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Conflict Prevention


POLITICS-SENEGAL: Making Peace with the Rebels in Casamance

by Chris Simpson

ZIGUINCHOR, Senegal, Nov 4 (IPS) - Bertrand Diamacoune has been heavily involved with the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casasmance (MFDC) since it began its campaign for a separate state in the south of Senegal in the early 1980s.

The MFDC may have moderated its position in recent years, but Bertrand Diamcoune, brother of the MFDC's President, Father Augustin Diamacoune Senghor, says the struggle is not over.

Diamacoune is adamant that Casamance, with a population of 1.2 million, which is separated from the rest of Senegal by The Gambia, has its own cultural and geographical identity. He would like Portugal and France to become involved in any long-term settlement, along with Senegal, Guinea-Bissau and The Gambia, arguing that ”the former colonial powers know what they did here, know what mistakes were made and should help”.

The MFDC remains extremely wary of the central government in Dakar, arguing that the war in the south was imposed by the state and that ”a crocodile does not turn into an alligator”.

But Diamacoune says discussions on Casamance's future can be put on hold for now. The priority is to end the 20-year-old conflict and the MFDC wants to play its part.

”There is no point talking about autonomy or a special status for Casamance when there are soldiers everywhere”, Diamacoune argues.

Casamance is markedly more militarised than the rest of Senegal. Even within the perimeters of Ziguinchor, there are checkpoints and they increase in number as you drive out on the road to the coastal resort at Cap Skiring, 70 kilometres west. But there is little sign of tension on the road itself and the soldiers appear relaxed. At Cap Skiring, where the first charter flights from France and Italy are now coming in, tourism officials anticipate a good season, arguing that the peace moves are already producing dividends for Casamance.

The government and the MFDC signed a provisional, but ambitious peace agreement in Mar 2001. The accord talked of disarming and demobilising MFDC fighters, channelling much-needed government funds into Casamance, ensuring historical grievances were addressed.

The government has insisted that full talks will only go ahead once the MFDC has resolved its internal differences. For years the movement has been bitterly divided, with rival armies fighting on separate fronts, and competing political wings battling for legitimacy.

Diamacoune says there has now been a serious rapprochement, at least between the two main leaders in Ziguinchor, his brother, Father Augustin Diamacoune Senghor, and veteran military leader, Sidi Badji.

”The two men have sought each others' forgiveness”, says Bertrand Diamacoune. ”We are united and we want peace”.

Government delegations have met both leaders and hinted that much of the groundwork has been done in preparation for full talks on Casamance in the near future.

The tragic loss of the Joola passenger ferry in September has brought fresh promises from President Abdoulaye Wade that the region's isolation must be broken. At least 970 of the 1,500 plus passengers on board the Joola hailed from Casamance, including hundreds of students and school pupils. ”A generation which could have lifted us up has been lost”, says Bertrand Diamacoune.

The government has promised two new boats to replace the Joola. But that is not enough. Mariama Diatta, a market trader in Ziguinchor, says people only went by sea because the road journey to Dakar was so long and hazardous. ”People were dying on the roads, so they chose the boat”, says Diatta. Recent border problems between The Gambia and Senegal have further complicated the Dakar-Ziguinchor road route.

Amongst the more positive recent developments have been the Casamance assizes, which brought together hundreds of people from different parts of the province and from much further afield, discussing the region's past, present and future.

There have been parallel initiatives from civil society groups and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs). For example, the US-based World Education has promoted a series of cultural weekends across the provinces, where musical performances, football matches and other events are complemented by open fora where government, MFDC and military representatives are amongst the guests. And, people are encouraged to talk freely about their concerns, the effects of the war and the need for peace.

Eugene Ba of World Education points to the example of Kabrousse, a village in the far west of Casamance. ”In Kabrousse you find that one part of the town will have sent its men off to join the MFDC, another will have people in the army. Since we performed our activities there, people are amazed to find there is a spirit of unity which hasn't been there in 20 years”.

But other observers are more sceptical, suggesting that the peace process is drawing in actors who do no understand the realities on the ground and that neither the MFDC nor the government is in any real hurry to end the war.

Martin Mane runs the Agada welfare organisation in Casamance and has been heavily involved in peace efforts over the years, which have included contacts with MFDC fighters. One of Mane's main concerns is that the peace process has yet to develop any credibility at the grassroots, with hundreds of guerrillas in the bush completely cut off from whatever is being decided in Ziguinchor or Dakar, the capital of Senegal. The rebels are routinely blamed for the road ambushes and raids still common in the less secure parts of Casamance.

”These people are out in the bush and they have to steal to survive”, argues Mane. ”I'm not condoning what they do, but there are reasons. They are citizens of Senegal like everyone else. They have their rights”.

While there have been widespread reports of renegade elements in the MFDC building up an illicit economy based on cross-border timber sales and marijuana plantations, some observers believe there are senior figures on the government side, particularly in the military, who have a vested interest in keeping the war going.

Bertrand Diamacoune acknowledges the MFDC must do its part to halt the violence.

”In a conflict there are always people who are working for themselves and we ask those responsible: do you want the war to come back?” says Diamacoune. But he warns it is oversimplifying things to blame everything on MFDC rogue guerrillas, arguing that government soldiers are often negligent when it comes to stopping attacks and then go after innocent civilians in revenge.

”People often can't tell the truth about what is happening”, argues Diamacoune. ”Because if they do, the next day they will be killed. The MFDC needs to seize its responsibilities, ask the government to withdraw its troops so we can really get in there and talk to people and find out what is going on”. (END/2002)

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