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POLITICS-SOUTH AFRICA:
Deputy President Not on Trial. Really?
Moyiga Nduru

JOHANNESBURG, Oct 15 (IPS) - A high-profile court case in South Africa is putting the deputy president firmly in the spotlight - even though he is not the one on trial.

There’s nothing unusual about a businessman appearing in court in South Africa. It happens all the time.

But Schabir Shaik – currently on trial for two charges of corruption and one of fraud, amongst others – is no ordinary entrepreneur. He is the financial advisor to South Africa’s deputy president, Jacob Zuma, who stands accused of accepting payments of over 180,000 dollars from Shaik in return for promoting the latter’s business interests.

While Zuma is not in the dock alongside his advisor, his political future is believed by some to be closely tied to the outcome of the trial, which began Monday in the port city of Durban.

The case is also regarded as a litmus test of the ability of South Africa’s law enforcement institutions to clamp down on corruption – even when this extends into the highest reaches of government. In fact, the Shaik hearings have been dubbed "the most important trial" to occur in post-apartheid South Africa.

The relationship between Shaik and Zuma, which spans about two decades, developed while both were involved in the struggle to end racial segregation in South Africa.

After the demise of apartheid in 1994, Zuma was appointed provincial minister for economic affairs and tourism in the south-eastern KwaZulu-Natal region. From about 1995, however, he experienced serious financial difficulties.

Shaik claims that the payments of over 180,000 dollars which he and his businesses subsequently made to Zuma were nothing more than a gesture of friendship.

However, state prosecutor Billy Downer alleges that Shaik’s holdings, the Nkobi group of companies, could ill afford to make payments to Zuma, and that these transfers amounted to bribes in return for political patronage.

On Thursday, the first of over a hundred witnesses to be called by the prosecution noted that Shaik had often boasted of his "political connectivity" with Zuma in meetings with possible business partners.

Themba Sono, who became executive director of Nkobi holdings in 1996, later resigned his post. He told the court that this was the result of "boorish and autocratic" behaviour on Shaik’s part.

The state further alleges that the payment of over 180,000 dollars was illegally written off by Nkobi.

In addition, Shaik has been implicated in a plan for almost 80,000 dollars to be paid to Zuma annually by French arms manufacturer Thomson-CSF, now named Thales.

Downer claims that this was a bribe to get Zuma’s support for Thomson-CSF in the tendering process for a multi-billion-dollar weapons acquisition in South Africa. Thomson ultimately benefited from the purchase of four vessels for the country’s navy.

The alleged bribe by the company was apparently also intended to buy Zuma’s protection for the firm during a subsequent inquiry into the arms deal.

While Shaik has pleaded not guilty to these charges, Zuma has also denied any wrongdoing – and he appears to be receiving support from a number of key constituencies.

At the conclusion of a weekly cabinet meeting on Oct. 6, chief government spokesman Joel Netshitenzhe urged journalists not to "impugn (Zuma’s) integrity on the basis of allegations not proven in a court of law."

According to Norman Mlambo of the Pretoria-based Africa Institute of South Africa, "The fact that the whole cabinet has decided to stand behind Deputy President Zuma is not a simple statement. It indicates government support for Zuma."

The 1.5 million-strong Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), has also accused the Scorpions of being behind inopportune leaks to the media concerning Zuma. The "Scorpions" are the investigators who have helped build the case against Shaik, and probed Zuma’s actions.

COSATU alleges that political motives may underpin the disclosures. "It seems that the leaks have to do with renewed speculation on who will succeed President Thabo Mbeki at the ANC’s (the ruling African National Congress) 2007 National Conference," the body said in a statement on Oct. 7.

However, Sheila Camerer of the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA), has noted that "The impression should be removed that this trial is all about politics and who will succeed President Mbeki."

In a statement issued Oct. 4, the DA spokeswoman on justice added that the continued refusal by officials to prosecute Zuma along with Shaik was becoming "curiouser and curiouser".

While the Directorate of Public Prosecutions has said that there is prima facie evidence of wrongdoing on the part of Zuma, it has declined to pursue the matter in court, saying the case against him is not strong enough.

Inasmuch as Shaik’s trial is receiving blanket coverage in South Africa, it may also be followed with interest elsewhere on the continent – where high-profile corruption suspects are rarely brought to book.

The outcome of proceedings in Durban is also of significance to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a blueprint for attracting foreign investment to the continent in exchange for good governance.

Mbeki is the one of the driving forces behind NEPAD, which is seeking 64 billion dollars a year to help Africa bring its schools, roads, railways and the like up to speed.

Were he to be succeeded by a tarnished vice president in 2009, some might argue that NEPAD’s prospects would be undermined. Mlambo disagrees, however.

"If Shaik goes down I, personally, don’t think it will affect the deputy president," he says. "These are two different people." (END/2004)

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