| Powerful without Power?
Susan George *
The first Porto Alegre in 2001 dealt mainly with analysing
the world situation, the second in 2002 stressed proposals
for changing that situation and the third, right now, is supposed
to be about devising strategies to achieve those changes.
Naturally, nothing is as clear-cut as that and elements of
all three will be present. Furthermore, with so many movements
here for the first time, we need to establish a common understanding
of our common problems and common adversaries. Let's take
as much time as we need to make everyone feel included, remembering
that we've covered an unbelievable amount of ground in less
than five years--historically speaking this is an eye- blink.
I would, however, like to encourage PoA delegates to concentrate
as much as possible on strategies for changing the balance
of forces.
In some cases, as in Brazil, this may mean that people whose
ideas are very close to those of the global justice movement
actually take State power as Lula has done.
But I share Attac's view that the movement itself should
not become a political party; this would be a disaster for
our objectives. How to be powerful if one does not or cannot
take State power?
This question is today perhaps the most difficult and the
most important we can confront. I have sometimes said to respected
friends that I simply don't understand what they mean when
they are still calling for "revolution". If they
mean what French philospher Paul Virilio calls the "global
accident", it would create so much human misery and chaos
(and probably end in fascism) that I hope it can be avoided.
I guess I can describe myself as a "radical reformist".
What is individual State power worth today? Even in Brazil,
despite Lula's stunning victory, we can see that his government
is hemmed in on almost every side by international forces--financial
speculators, the IMF, transnational corporations.
This should point us in the right strategic direction. In
one sentence, our movement must accept the most difficult
task ever undertaken in human history: we have to democratise
the international system and force it to serve the needs of
everyone. As we are all aware, that system and its major actors
currently serve only the need and the greed of a tiny minority.
Change means at the most basic level building up our numbers.
The increasing success of the WSF is thus a healthy sign.
Beyond high points like PoA, this means patiently constructing
alliances between groups coming out of different cultures.
Since last year, for example, I would say that the alliance
between the new social movement and the trade unions has been
greatly strengthened; we must continue to build trust with
them.
We need also to reach out to the growing peace movement which,
in many countries, is not made up of the same people as the
global justice movement.
They are, in reality, two sides of the same coin if only
they can help each other to see that. Some religious faith
communities are also beginning to think in far more political
terms, recognising that there will be no justice on earth
under the reign of neo-liberalism.
What we have not done well so far is to include the truly
dispossessed in our ranks. The Brazilian Movimento sim Terra-MST
shows us the way, always remembering that when people have
to concentrate every moment on mere survival, they have little
time or energy left for politics of any kind. The numbers,
however, are potentially there and we must concentrate on
strengthening the bonds between all these disparate groups
which have basically the same interests.
Strengthen ourselves to do what? Most people will remain
focused on local or national struggles as this is where they
feel the bite of neo-liberalism most painfully. Such struggles
are vital, because they are creating the spaces where politics
can take place, particularly for the most disadvantaged. More
and more, these apparently "local" battles are in
fact global--look at the ones in Bolivia against control over
water by transnationals.
I'm impressed by the increasing realisation, especially among
young people, that we must work internationally to force international
actors to change, or to get rid of them. Some people insist
that international taxes on corporations or financial transactions
are "reformist" and not worthy of their notice.
I think that is profoundly wrong.
Such taxes would be as revolutionary as the introduction
of national income taxes a century ago--without which public
services, public education and health care and the (still
highly imperfect) Welfare State could never have been financed.
Without such taxes and a democratic distribution of the proceeds
(look to the budgeting system of PoA for a partial model],
there will be no money forthcoming for the huge percentage
of people now living in dire circumstances. The money is there,
on international financial markets, in transnational banks
and corporations and we must go after it where it is - otherwise
we will never have a just world system and the rich-poor gap
will continue to widen.
To change the international system, we must still work partly
through national governments because that is one level of
power we can touch. For example, we should make it too costly
for our governments to support the IMF, the debt-system, the
WTO, the impending war against Iraq. We will have a space
in Porto Alegre to work on strategies and on merging national
struggles into the broader global one.
Just a word of caution stemming from my own experience in
PoA last year: I suggest you go to the last leg of this meeting
where everyone and everything is interesting, where you are
tempted to be in at least three places at once, with one goal
in mind - whatever goal seems to you most urgent and that
you can move towards. Otherwise, you're going to be pulled
in 100 different directions and come home frustrated.
My own target is the General Agreement on Trade in Services,
the GATS, and more generally the WTO; yours is doubtless different.
Whatever it is, use this unique opportunity with self-discipline
to network and strategise with your fellow activists worldwide.
Susan George is Associate Director of the Transnational Institute
(Amsterdam) and Vice-president of Attac-France.
|