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POLITICS-US: Rove Said to Have Received 2003 Iranian Proposal
By Gareth Porter*
WASHINGTON, Feb 16 (IPS) - Karl Rove, then White House senior political advisor for President George W. Bush, received a copy of the secret Iranian
proposal for negotiations with the United States from former Republican
Congressman Bob Ney in early May 2003, according to an Iranian-American
scholar who was then on his Congressional staff.
Ney, who pleaded guilty last year and was sentenced to prison in January
for his role in the Jack Abramov lobbying scandal, was named by former
aide Trita Parsi as an intermediary who took a copy of the Iranian
proposal to the White House.
Parsi is now a specialist on Iranian national security policy and
president of the National Iranian-American Council (NIAC), a non-partisan
organisation that supports a negotiated settlement of the conflict between
Iran and the United States.
Parsi revealed that the document was delivered specifically to Rove, in an
exclusive interview with IPS. Within two hours of the delivery of the
document, according to Parsi, Ney received a phone call from Rove
confirming his receipt of the document. Parsi said the proposal was
delivered to Rove the same week that the State Department received it by
fax, which was on or about May 4, 2003, according to the cover letter
accompanying it.
Ney was chosen by Swiss Ambassador in Tehran Tim Guldimann to carry the
Iranian proposal to the White House, according to Parsi, because he knew
the Ohio Congressman to be the only Farsi-speaking member of Congress and
particularly interested in Iran.
Guldimann helped the Iranians draft the proposal and passed it on the
United States.
The White House press office had not responded to a request for a comment
on the account naming Rove as the recipient of the Iranian proposal by
midday Friday.
The Iranian proposal for negotiations, which suggested that Iran was
willing to consider far-reaching compromises on its nuclear programme,
relations with Hezbollah and Hamas and support for a Palestinian peace
agreement with Israel as part of a larger peace agreement with the United
States, has become a contentious issue between the Bush administration and
its critics in and out of Congress.
The identification of Rove as a recipient of the secret Iranian proposal
throws new light on the question of who in the Bush administration was
aware of the Iranian proposal at the time. Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice denied in Congressional testimony last week that she had seen the
Iranian offer in 2003 and even chastised former State Department, National Security Council and
Central Intelligence Agency official Flynt Leverett for having failed to bring it to her attention
at the time.
At a Capital Hill conference on U.S.-Iran relations Wednesday, sponsored by the New America Foundation and NIAC, Leverett responded to Rice's criticism by saying it was "unthinkable that it would not have been brought to her attention" and demanding an apology from her.
In May 2003, both Rove and Rice were considered to be part of Bush's inner
circle on foreign policy matters, along with Vice President Dick Cheney.
When Bush met with South Korea President Roh Moo-hyun on May 13, for
example, the only advisers accompanying him were Rove and Rice.
The revelation that Rove received a copy of the Iranian negotiating
proposal within days of the receipt of the State Department makes it
appear very unlikely that Rice was not immediately made aware of the
document.
The new account of the transmission of a second copy of the Iranian
proposal to the White House coincided with the release Wednesday of both
the actual text of the proposal as received in Washington and of the cover
memo by Ambassador Guldimann which accompanied it. The two documents
contradict the suggestion by Rice and by other State Department officials
that Guldimann was acting on his own in forwarding the proposal, and that
it did not reflect the intentions of the Iranian government.
The two documents were made available on the website of the Washington
Post online edition in connection with a story by Post reporter Glenn
Kessler. Kessler wrote that they had been provided by "a source who felt
its contents were mischaracterised by State Department officials."
The memo from Guldimann, dated May 4, confirms previous reports that the
Iranian proposal was drafted by the Iranian Ambassador in Paris Sadeq
Kharrazi, in consultation with Guldimann but only after extensive
discussions between Kharrazi and the three top figures in Iranian foreign
policy: Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, then President Mohammad Khatami and
his Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi.
As the memo notes, Ambassador Kharrazi, a former deputy foreign minister,
was extremely well connected to the very top level of Iranian leadership.
Khamenei's son is married to his sister, and the foreign minister is his
uncle.
The memo recounts that a first draft of what was to be called a "roadmap"
was done by Ambassador Kharazzi with Guldimann's help during a long
discussion on Apr. 21, 2003. It was that document that Parsi later
obtained from Iranian sources and has been reported in previous accounts
of the proposal. After that initial meeting Kharrazi had two long meetings
with Khamenei, President Khatami and the foreign minister which he
reported as lasting a total of four hours.
According to Kharrazi's account, the three leaders agreed on "85%-90%" of
the draft roadmap, with the president and foreign minister voicing no
objection and Khamenei raising "some reservations as for some points".
Guldimann reported in his memo that Kharrazi asked him at a meeting on May
2 to make "some minor changes in the previous draft," especially on the
Middle East peace process.
In the final draft, which has now been made public, the bullet point on
"U.S. aims" on the Middle East regarding the Palestinian-Israeli peace
issue was changed from "acceptance of the Arab League Beirut declaration
(Saudi initiative, two states-approach)" to simply "acceptance of the
two-states-approach".
The intention behind that shift is made clearer by the only other
substantive change in the newly released final draft. In the discussion of
a possible "decision on the first mutual steps" the document suggests that
the Iranians would issue a "statement that it supports a peaceful solution
in the Middle East, that it accepts a solution which is accepted by the
Palestinians and that it follows with interest the discussion on the
Roadmap, presented by the Quartet." That formula would allow the Iranian
side to maintain a position of support for "the Palestinians" in
negotiations with Washington.
Guldimann's memo reports that Kharrazi told him all three leaders
supported the initiative. But the Iranian diplomat asked him if he could
pass the proposal "very confidentially to someone very high in the DoS
[Department of State] in order to get to know the U.S. reaction on it." He
also warned that, "if the initiative failed, and if anything about the new
Iranian flexibility outline in it became known, they would - also for
internal reasons - not be bound by it."
That was a clear indication that the Iranian leaders were afraid that
their conservative critics would attack them if such a proposal did not
bring desired results, charging that it showed weakness.
*Gareth Porter is an investigative historian and journalist specialising
in U.S. national security policy. His latest book, "Perils of Dominance:
Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam", was published in June
2005.
(END/2007)
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