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MIDEAST: Arabs Court U.S. via Baghdad
By Adam Morrow and Khaled Moussa Al-Omrani
CAIRO, Jun 26 (IPS) - Egypt finally appointed an ambassador to Iraq earlier this month after four years
without diplomatic representation in Baghdad. While the last year has seen other
Arab capitals do likewise, some critics question the wisdom of the move in light
of Iraq's still volatile security situation.
"Sending an ambassador now is a strategic mistake," Ahmed Thabet, political
science professor at Cairo University told IPS. "Despite recent relative
improvements, the security situation is still far from stable."
On Jun. 16, President Hosni Mubarak appointed Sherif Shahin ambassador to
Iraq. Foreign Ministry spokesman Hossam Zeki described the move as "an
important step forward in the resumption of the strong and vital relationship
between Egypt and Iraq."
In the weeks ahead, Zeki added, Egypt would begin "dispatching diplomats,
administrators and technicians to Iraq in advance of opening its new embassy
in Baghdad."
Speaking on Egyptian television, Shahin listed his top priorities as "promoting
relations and cooperation between the two countries in a variety of
fields...and looking after the interests of Egyptian expatriates resident in
Iraq."
The decision was well received in Baghdad. "We welcome this step, which
confirms the deep and fraternal relationship between Iraq and Egypt," read an
official Iraqi government statement. "An Iraqi ambassador to Egypt will be
sent to Cairo as soon as possible."
Ever since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq, the U.S. has
urged Sunni Arab states - especially regional leaders such as Egypt and Saudi
Arabia - to normalise diplomatic relations with the government in Baghdad.
Until recently, Arab governments had publicly conditioned the move on the
withdrawal of foreign military forces from Iraq and a system of power-sharing
more favourable to the country's Sunni Muslim population.
Arab countries expressed distrust of the Shia-led government in Baghdad,
seen to be on close terms with Shia-Persian Iran. Arab foreign ministries
have also expressed concern over the safety of their diplomats.
In July 2005, Ihab Al-Sherif, head of the Egyptian diplomatic mission in Iraq,
was kidnapped and presumed killed. Egyptian officials suggested that Al-
Sherif had been murdered by Iranian agents, while the western media
continues to blame 'Al-Qaeda' for his disappearance. No credible evidence for
either allegation has ever been produced.
But over the course of the last year, Arab countries, citing improved security,
began dispatching envoys to Baghdad. In the latter half of 2008, Bahrain,
Jordan and the United Arab Emirates all appointed ambassadors. Kuwait
followed suit, sending its first ambassador since the 1990 Iraqi invasion of
that country.
In October Syria - frequently accused of allowing anti-occupation
"insurgents" into Iraq from its territory - sent its first ambassador to Baghdad
in decades. Diplomatic relations between Syria and Iraq, long ruled by rival
factions of the pan-Arab Baath Party, had been frozen for the most part since
former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein assumed power in 1979.
Saudi Arabia, which formally re-established diplomatic relations with Iraq in
2004, has continued to delay opening an embassy in Baghdad, but has
expressed an intention to do so soon.
But some Egyptian critics say the trend has more to do with U.S. strategy
objectives than with improved security.
"The normalisation of Arab diplomatic relations with Iraq is directly
attributable to pressure from Washington," said Thabet. "Iraqis, meanwhile,
see it as a means of legitimising the U.S. occupation and extending support to
the unpopular, U.S.-backed Baghdad government.
"Egyptian policy on Iraq - as on Palestine and Lebanon - reflects the wishes of
the U.S. rather than any kind of collective Arab position," he added.
Thabet was no less cynical about the U.S.-Iraq security pact signed last
December providing for complete departure of U.S. military forces from Iraq
as of Jan. 1, 2012.
"The agreement reflected the balance of power and is therefore entirely in the
interest of the U.S., which will probably maintain strategic 'command centres'
in Iraq even in the event of a troop withdrawal," he said. "It provides formal
cover for the continuation of the U.S. occupation, and leaves all decision-
making in American hands."
According to Thabet, the desire to please the U.S. - by way of Baghdad - is
hardly exclusive to the 'moderate', that is, the U.S.-allied Arab camp. "Even
Syria, a member of the so-called 'rejectionist' camp, is using its relationship
with Iraq as a means of currying U.S. favour."
Gamal Fahmi, political analyst and managing editor of pan-Arab opposition
weekly Al-Arabi Al-Nassiri, agreed that Arab nations are simply exploiting
their relations with Iraq "in order to score points with Washington."
"Egypt, Syria and Saudi Arabia don't enjoy independent foreign policies,
regardless of the political camp they belong to," he said. "It's worth noting
that, as soon as the new U.S. administration moved to improve ties with Syria,
Saudi Arabia's and Egypt's relations with Damascus also suddenly improved."
Fahmi said Arab countries, especially Egypt, should have a diplomatic
presence in Iraq - but not on U.S. terms. "Our presence there should aim to
support Iraqi unity and help Iraqis free themselves from foreign occupation
and rebuild their country."
Critics also dismiss the notion that a Sunni-Arab diplomatic presence is
needed in Iraq in order to offset the influence of next-door Iran, which
boasts a large and fully operational embassy in Baghdad.
"In line with U.S. policy, the Egyptian regime is trying hard to cast Iran - not
Israel - as the main threat to the Arab world," said Thabet. "This way, by
normalising relations with Baghdad, Arab regimes can claim they're
'contesting Persian influence' when they're really only there to please
Washington."
Thabet calls it a "strategic mistake" to send an ambassador in the absence of
goodwill on the part of the Iraqi people.
"Before dispatching an ambassador, Egypt should work on improving its bad
image in Iraq and exploit Egypt's talents and abilities in training, education
and development to help the Iraqi people live like they did before the war
destroyed their country," he said.
"No one knows who abducted or killed Al-Sherif," Thabet added. "But the
reason for his disappearance is well-known: the Egyptian government's tacit
support for U.S. intervention in, and continued occupation of Iraq."
(END/2009)
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