/CORRECTED REPEAT*/RIGHTS-BANGLADESH:
Women's Policy Sneakily Changed by Gov't
Qurratul Ain Tahmina
DHAKA, Jul 27 (IPS) - A vibrant women's rights movement in Bangladesh
has much on its plate - an ominous scale of violence against women,
omnipresent social and religious prejudices and poor representation in
decision-making despite two women heading the government consecutively
for the last 15 years
And now activists have stumbled upon the fact that the present
government had quietly changed, more than a year ago, the National
Policy for Advancement of Women (NPAW), negating some of its crucial
equality principles.
The original policy was formulated in 1997, following the United
Nation's Beijing Women's Conference, directly involving activists and
thinkers in the process. It was participatory and highly acclaimed at
home and abroad.
Krishna Chanda, until recently with a project of the Ministry of Women
and Children's Affairs, facilitating gender mainstreaming in development
programmes, said she and others were caught by surprise by the changes.
''Last year, around March, we heard that the ministry was initiating
some changes in the preamble,'' Chanda told IPS. ''But we got no hint
that the essence would be tampered with''.
A government source told IPS that Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs
Minister Moudud Ahmed was part of the cabinet committee that revised the
policy.
Asked by IPS if that was indeed the case Ahmed, a barrister, said,''I
might have been (part of the committee) but don't exactly remember''.
Ahmed added he had no idea of the policy or the changes.
Pressed with examples, the minister expressed surprise that the previous
government had provided for equal inheritance rights. ''No government in
Bangladesh can commit to equal shares in inheritance. It's a very nice
deal but will go against Quranic principles''.
The 1997 preamble eulogised the Awami League, the party then in power.
It was, therefore, expected that the rival Bangladesh Nationalist Party
(BNP), now heading the ruling, rightist coalition, would want its share
of historical credits.
Ayesha Khanam, general secretary of Bangladesh Mohila Parishad
(Bangladesh Women's Forum), the country's largest women's organisation,
first picked up the new policy in March this year. ''The government has
been secretive about it and we had no idea of its existence''.
''My guess is some rightist lobby within the government did it,'' says
Khanam. Activists share this view, some directly suspecting the
involvement of Jamaat-i-Islami, Bangladesh, a religion-based political
party in the ruling coalition.
The 1997 policy had a unique context, says Dr. Maleka Begum, a
pioneering women's rights activist in Bangladesh. ''In continuity with
the process initiated during the preparatory stage of the Beijing
Conference, we were with the government formulating our country action
plan based on the Beijing Plan of Action, devising various mechanisms
for gender mainstreaming in development, and finally drafting the
policy''.
Others involved in formulating the policy on being informed of the
changes said they thought the changes were like finding one's own baby
grossly mutilated.
Multilateral and bilateral donors such as the World Bank have reportedly
sympathised with the activists. Seeking anonymity, one donor
representative told IPS: ''We are very concerned. The 1997 policy was
very progressive. This one seems very broad-based - to some extent,
vague even''.
Activists say the original policy reflected the goals of the women's
movement and was in tune with the UN Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
Bangladesh ratified CEDAW in 1984 but had reservations on two core
provisions that deal with comprehensive legislative changes and equality
in marriage and divorce. The government's main problem concerns personal
laws that are based on religious codes. Its recent progress report to
the CEDAW committee, however, pledged efforts to withdraw the
reservations.
The 1997 policy had 104 principles, grouped into 14 areas of concern.
The new policy gets rid of two principles and changes others in a way
that make them self-contradictory.
Women's economic participation and rights see crucial changes in six
principles. These drop provisions of equal opportunity or equal share in
property or assets; and strike out inheritance, property or assets, and
land rights from a list of prerequisites for women's economic
empowerment. Of the special provisions mandatory for institutions
employing large numbers of women, housing has been dropped.
About half the 140 million population of Bangladesh lives in poverty and
the majority of them are women. Despite a highly- praised micro credit
programme, earning women are one-fourth of the economically active men
and mostly, engaged in the informal sector.
The government credits itself for achieving gender parity in primary
school enrolment and for an incentive programme for girls up to class
12. But drop-out rates are high. Women-headed households are on the rise
among the poorer sections; and wage discrimination, lack of skills and
options, marginalise women.
'Equal' rights to formulating and implementing economic policies has
become 'in accordance with constitutional rights'. ''Had the
constitution remained in its original form, I would not be concerned,''
says Sultana Kamal, legal expert and executive director of the human
rights organisation 'Ain Shalish Kendra'.
''Equality is guaranteed in our constitution as every citizen's
fundamental right. But in 1977, the Constitution was amended to
make 'absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah' a fundamental
principle of state policy and the basis of all actions,'' explained
Kamal.
''We don't know which clauses would prevail in matters of women's
rights,'' said Kamal.
Then there is the practise. ''Constitution clearly says any law
inconsistent with the equality rights will become void,'' said
Kamal. ''The government could have easily discarded religion-based
personal laws. Instead we hear all the time that discriminatory laws in
inheritance, rights in marriage or divorce cannot be touched because
that would hurt religious sentiments''.
Right now among the 300 legislators in general seats, only seven are
women, including Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia and leader of the
opposition Sheikh Hasina Wajed.
Although Bangladesh has 10 to 15 percent reserved quota in government
employment, women are very poorly represented at decision-making levels.
The new policy drops the principle of placing women as ambassadors and
in high posts in the planning commission and the judiciary.
The 1997 policy clearly valued the role of the women's rights movement
and NGOs. While sidetracking this issue, the new policy has also dropped
the principle of inspiring these two groups of actors to take up
campaigns for encouraging women's participation in politics.
On violence against women, the 1997 policy expressed concern about state
or police violence and community edicts subjecting women to public
lashing, stoning, even burning to death. The 2004 policy does away with
all of this though the general tone depicts a hopeful picture.
Protests against the changes have begun and the leading women and human
rights activists and organisations have formed a common platform. The
members include the Bangladesh chapter of the international funding
organisation OXFAM and a leading national daily.
Said Prof. Sadeka Halim of Dhaka University, ''The new policy
contradicts the government's millennium development goals (MDGs) and its
strategy for meeting those. As for us women, the original policy was
like a protective shield and an excellent instrument for empowerment. I
would say we were one step ahead but will now be thrown two steps back''.
(* The story moved 04:00 GMT Jul. 27, 2005 contained inappropriate
mention of Sheikh Hasina Wajed which has been removed).
(END/2005)
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