SRI LANKA: Big U.S. Role in Peace Process Unlikely - Analysts
By Amantha Perera
BERKELEY, United States, Nov 28 (IPS) - The United States
has been appearing more often in the political radar screen
of Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, but experts
both in and out of the South Asian island nation do not see
Washington taking up a major role in efforts to reach a settlement
in its ethnic conflict.
In recent months, up until the prime minister's rival, President
Chandrika Kumaratunga, fired three of his Cabinet members
and declared a state of emergency early this month, Wickremasinghe
has gone out of his way to ensure that U.S. support for his
government does not diminish.
Perhaps the clearest signal of this was Wickremasinghe's
comment upon his return from the United States after Kumaratunga's
moves - he said that he had the full support of the U.S. government
and that Washington backed the Sri Lankan government's 22-month-old
ceasefire with the Tamil Tiger rebels.
Indeed, compared to past peace negotiations to end a rebellion
aimed at having a homeland for minority Tamils, the U.S. government
has played an active role in the current peace process. ”A
lot of international pressure is there, that is what I think
is keeping them (the government and the Tigers) from firing
at each other, that's the only difference between this peace
process and the previous ones,” Muttukrishna Sarvananthan,
an economist at the International Centre for Ethnic Studies
in Colombo, told IPS.
Washington was one of the co-chairs at the Tokyo donor conference
in June that raised 4.5 billion U.S. dollars. It has also
kept the pressure on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE), as the Tigers are formally called, by continuing to
list it as a foreign terrorist organisation.
Earlier in April, Washington hosted a conference of donors
but not invite the LTTE because of its terrorist classification.
This helped drive the Tigers to suspend its participation
in the peace process - although the ceasefire has since held.
During an address to the U.N. General Assembly in October,
Wickremasinghe expressed support for U.S. foreign policies,
including the invasion of Iraq. At world trade negotiations
the same month in Mexico, instead of joining the walkout by
other developing nations, Sri Lankan Commerce Minister Ravi
Karnanayake held talks with U.S. counterparts on bilateral
trade.
But despite the U.S. government's more conspicuous role and
Sri Lankan officials' welcoming it, some believe that Washington
would never directly intervene in Sri Lanka.
The U.S. involvement in Sri Lanka is an unimportant yet unavoidable
element of the larger global war on terror, they argue. ”The
post Sep. 11 crackdown on international financing of the LTTE
and other terrorist groups might have helped to bring the
LTTE to the table,” Arun Swamy, a research fellow at
the East-West Centre in Honolulu, told IPS.
”There is no way that the United States will be able
to solve the Tamil Tiger problem,” Dale Watson, former
FBI assistant director of counter-terrorism and counter-intelligence,
said during a forum at the University of California Berkeley
recently.
But there are others who say that the United States will
continue to play a major role, if subtly.
”The United States will not get involved militarily
but will support with logistics,” said Lasantha Wickrematunge,
editor of the Colombo-based 'The Sunday Leader' newspaper,
who was with Wickremasinghe in Washington.
He cites the loose agreement on cooperation on equipment
and the gift to the Sri Lankan navy of a surveillance craft
by the United States as examples of the change in attitude
by Washington. Twenty members of the U.S. navy are also due
to train with their Sri Lankan counterparts.
Announcing the training sessions, the U.S. Embassy in Colombo
said that it ”exemplifies the strong relationship between
the two nations'' and that it was one of many such ongoing
programmes.
There has also been a string of visits by high-level U.S.
officials, including Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage,
to Sri Lanka. Armitage visited the front lines in the north,
the region most affected by the ethnic conflict.
Wickrematunge observed that significantly, the government
also has the guarantee of U.S. support in case the peace process
breaks down. ”The United States is throwing its diplomatic
muscle behind the government. It will strangle the LTTE's
international operations and use its strength with other countries
in the event of war.”
The extent of U.S. involvement may however also be determined
by India, the military and economic power in South Asia that
has a history of engagement in the Sri Lankan conflict.
”It is unlikely given what they are dealing with in
Afghanistan and Iraq that this administration would risk the
political capital of trying to broker a deal and (it is) inconceivable
that they would risk any forces. The latter would largely
take care of India's security apprehensions,” Swamy
observed.
During the initial months of peace talks, which began in
September 2002, there were signs of disgruntlement both in
New Delhi and in Colombo over the Wickremasinghe government's
pro-U.S. stance.
In fact, the two main opposition parties -- the People's
Alliance and the People's Liberation Front -- both called
for more Indian involvement in the process. Wickremasinghe
moved quickly and entered into a defence cooperation pact
with India.
India's role is further emphasised since Sri Lanka does not
hold much value for the U.S. financially and politically.
According to 2002 figures, U.S. exports to Sri Lanka were
a mere 172 million dollars, while to India they were 4 billion
dollars. On the other hand, Sri Lanka's textile trade is heavily
dependent on exports to the United States.
”Sri Lanka has no real strategic interest for the United
States,” Wickrematunge said.
Its only political value, if any, would be as an ally in
a volatile region with forces facing down each other armed
with nuclear weapons. Said Swamy: ”Their main concern
in South Asia. . . will be to ensure that nothing blows up
between India and Pakistan.'' |