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INDIA: Slavery Amidst Modernity

By Sushil Kumar

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GURGAON, India (IPS) - This city's resemblance to American suburbia is intentional. The rolling lawns, lush golfing fairways and well-appointed housing estates called 'Malibu Towne' and 'Beverly Park' ensure high returns for property developers.

But this booming modern city on the edge of New Delhi's busy international airport falls in Haryana, a state steeped in the worst traditions of India's notorious caste system but which the government is at pains these days to say has nothing to do with race.

India's foreign ministry, hopeful of wangling a seat in the United Nations Security Council, has resisted the inclusion of caste on the agenda of the World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa that starts Aug. 31.

Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh has termed it ''an attempt to ascribe racial connotations to caste''.

But the U.N. Committee on Civil and Political Rights has observed that low-caste and tribal people in India ''continue to endure severe social discrimination and suffer disproportionately from ''inter-caste violence, bonded labour and discrimination of all kinds''.

Top sociologists say that caste -- an ancient, four-tier hierarchy based on descent and occupation -- is far worse than racial apartheid ever was in South Africa.

The 'dalits', who fall outside the four castes, were once considered untouchable because they were seen as ritually polluting and were often relegated to doing tasks considered taboo for caste Hindus, including scavenging.

In Haryana and the adjoining north Indian states today, young people who fall in love and marry outside the caste they were born into can expect to be lynched. 'Dalits' or socially oppressed low- caste people live lives akin to slavery.

In early July, social workers rescued Bacchan Singh, his wife Rani and their three children from bonded labour on a farm in Fatehpur district, a few hours drive away from gleaming signs that proclaim the presence of information technology giants like IBM, Lucent Technologies and Motorola.

Activists of the All-India Agricultural Workers Union (AIAWU) and the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) stepped in after they spotted Bachhan Singh, a 'dalit', working on his landlord's 150-acre fields hobbled with a chain that bound his left hand to his left foot.

''Initially, the sub-divisional magistrate (SDM), S K Setia, did not believe us when we informed him, but he ordered an investigation and Bacchan's chains were finally removed in his presence,'' said Dass, an activist of the DYFI who like many of those with 'dalit' second names prefer to drop them.

Police have since registered a case against the landlord, Sukhdev Singh, under the Bonded Labour System (abolition) Act and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (prevention of atrocities) Act.

According to Ramkumar Behbalpuria, president of the AIAWU in Haryana, his organisation has identified no less than 200 cases of bonded labour in the farm-rich state which, along with adjoining Punjab, benefited from the Green Revolution of the 60s and 70s.

Behbalpuria said while the Green Revolution, characterised by the use of modern inputs such as irrigation, hybrid seeds, fertilisers and pesticides provided by the state, greatly enriched upper-caste landlords, it did little for the 'dalit' farm labourers.

Whenever media attention focused attention on the plight of 'dalits' working in chains, they would be promptly sold off or hired out to other landowners in remoter areas, said Behbalpuria

''Sometimes they would even be bought back when the heat was off,'' he pointed out.

According to Behbalpuria, no politician dares to take on the landlords because of their political clout. Sushil Indora, a 'dalit' politician who represents the parliamentary constituency of Sirsa in which Fatehabad falls, refused to comment on Bacchan's release from bonded labour.

Politicians tend to uphold the status quo when it comes to questions relating to caste oppression -- even if there is open criminality including the lynching and murder of those who violate caste taboos.

Recently, in the Muzaffarpur district of northern Uttar Pradesh state barely 150 kms north of Gurgaon, 20-year-old Vishal and his 18-year-old girlfriend Sonu were hanged by a crowd with the active support of their own families.

Vishal belonged to the high and priestly Brahmin caste, while his girlfriend was from the largely-peasant Jat caste. Vijay Kumar Maurya, superintendent of police in Muzaffarpur, said their arrested but unrepentant parents had warned them against meeting each other.

According to Manoj Singh, the district magistrate in Muzaffarpur, inter-caste relationships were strictly taboo in the area and an unwritten code required parents to either kill their own 'erring' offspring or else kill each other's offspring.

Muzaffarpur's elected legislator, Sanjay Chauhan, called the gruesome lynchings ''unfortunate'' but insisted that ''maintaining social order and public morality must take priority over love affairs''.

Such incidents feature regularly on the front pages of Indian newspapers, which also carry matrimonial columns that specify the caste and even sub-caste of prospective brides and grooms.

''Caste continues to limit social advancement and job and marriage choices, although India's Constitution made it illegal and abolished it more than half-a-century ago,'' says Ambrose Pinto, director of the Indian Social Institute in New Delhi.

Like other leading social scientists, Pinto believes that the oppression of 'dalits' is far worse than racial discrimination. ''Over 240 million people in this country (of one billion) are shunned as outcastes,'' he says.

No matter what the Indian government says, caste is a variety of race and goes squarely against the principle of equality, which is a fundamental component of the U.N. mechanism for promoting and protecting human rights, explains Pinto.

Still, one does not have to look very far to see caste discrimination and its impact. Pinto points to the widely debated accounts, earlier this year, of state-run institutions directing international relief for earthquake-devastated western Gujarat state to the camps of upper castes -- bypassing 'dalit' victims. (Inter Press Service)

(The following is part of a series of IPS features in advance of the World Conference Against Racism and Discrimination, Aug. 31-Sep.7, in Durban, South Africa.)