By IPS Correspondents
MOSCOW, Jun 19 1999 (IPS)

If the 200 Russian paratroopers deployed in Kosovo are not quickly reinforced, they may become hostage of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) fighters now moving freely in the Serbian province, analysts warned here Tuesday.

The Russian contingent, deployed at Pristina’s airport, have already been shot at by ethnic Albanian paramilitary forces, and might be forced to seek the help of British troops, Alexei Mitrofanov, a Duma (Parliament) deputy said, while a Russian military convoy was rushing through Yugoslavia with supplies.

In spite of the troops’ difficult situation – whose sudden arrival in Kosovo on Saturday spoiled the much-publicised entry of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) into Pristina – Russia is still planning to set an independent contingent of 5,000-7,000 soldiers peace-keeping presence.

The Russian peace-keeping presence in Kosovo must be increased quickly to deal with the “savage” ethnic cleansing of Serbs, argues Mitrofanov, who heads of the Geopolitics committee at the Russian parliament.

“It’s a horrible situation – the Serbian troops moved out, and now Serbian civilians are at the mercy of armed Albanians who moved in along with the NATO troops,” said Mitrofanov, who is also a member of Vladimir Zhirinovsly’s ultra-nationalist party

Some 15,000 Serbs have reportedly escaped from the province, fearing reprisals from KLA groups, starting another refugee crisis.

The Russian surprise action in Kosovo probably somewhat healed the wounded pride of the country’s military, largely ignored by NATO and likely to have otherwise been left out of the Kosovo operation, but it is unclear whether in the longer term Russia will profit from the paratroopers race into Pristina.

Some fear that western countries will retaliate by blocking financial aid from the International Monetary Fund. Nonetheless, the action has already served several purposes in Russian domestic and foreign politics.

The move has shown, for example, that the Kremlin can rely on the generals. Boris Yeltsin, the ailing Russian president is said to have directly supervised the operation, planned by general Viktor Zavarzin, Russia’s former military representative to NATO and coordinated by general Alexander Kvashnin, chief of staff of the Russian armed forces, apparently sidelining both Government and Parliament.

But the initial successful strike has been shadowed by the alleged failure of the plan’s second stage – the airlift of thousands of Russian paratroopers into Pristina – apparently because Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania refused to let Russian aircraft into their airspace.

Analysts ion Moscow argue that it took only 200 Russian paratroopers to throw NATO into confusion, thwarting the alliance plans to set up a command headquarters at Pristina airport. The surprise move also gave the Kremlin a new bargaining chip in its talks with NATO.

But the action has also clearly demonstrated the lack of consistency and coordination among the country’s top leaders. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov has said that the Kosovo operation was part of a plan authorised by Yeltsin, but admitted that he had not been informed in advance.

Apart from Russia’s chief diplomat, it is understood that among the not-informed were also Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin, Defence minister Igor Sergeyev, and the Kremlin’s special envoy to the Balkans, former Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin.

Guennady Seleznyov, chairman of the State Duma – lower chamber of Russian parliament – has invited the Foreign and Defence ministers to attend a closed hearing to find out who had actually given the order to send Russian troops into Kosovo, a move which technically requires prior Parliament’s approval.

Prime Minister Stepashin announced Tuesday, after meeting Yeltsin, that Moscow’s “frictions” with NATO over the Russian role in Kosovo should be settled by the end of the week. He also pointed out that the efforts to establish a Russian role in Kosovo peacemaking should be coordinated by Russia’s Foreign ministr y – a statement widely seen here as a reference to the independent ways of the Russian military.

Stepashin also insisted that last week’s United Nations Security Council resolution on Yugoslavia must be carried out in its entirety. He stressed the resolution’s point regarding the disarmament of illegal armed groups – the KLA.

However, it remains a matter of debate if the Kremlin has calculated all international consequences of this march

Russia and the United States have yet to reach agreement on the main sticking points – Russia’s demand to have control of a zone in Kosovo and its refusal to let troops serve under NATO command. Washington has dismissed Russia’s presence in Kosovo as m ilitarily insignificant, but continued a top-level diplomatic dialogue to try to bring it under NATO command.

The Western alliance is understood to aim at a deal that would allow the Russian military to play a peacekeeping role without undermining NATO control. The US formula is a Russian “zone of responsibility” that would be at least formally under NATO command.

Yeltsin and US president Bill Clinton are expected to meet on June 20 in the German city of Cologne at a summit of the leaders of Russia and the world’s seven largest industrial powers – the United States, Italy, Germany, France, Britain, Japan and Canada (the Group of Eight).

Moscow will be represented by Stepashin before Yeltsin’s arrival. The Prime Minister has insisted that Russia should play a “substantial role” in the political resolution of the Kosovo crisis and in a peace force under U.N auspices.

This high profile march could prove too costly for Russia in the longer term, argues Alexander Shokhin, Duma’s deputy and former deputy Prime Minister. Now Russia’s chances to receive continued international financial aid are getting increasingly slim, he said.

Excerpt:

By IPS Correspondents
MOSCOW, Jun 15 1999 (IPS)

If the 200 Russian paratroopers deployed in Kosovo are not quickly reinforced, they may become hostage of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) fighters now moving freely in the Serbian province, analysts warned here Tuesday.

The Russian contingent, deployed at Pristina’s airport, have already been shot at by ethnic Albanian paramilitary forces, and might be forced to seek the help of British troops, Alexei Mitrofanov, a Duma (Parliament) deputy said, while a Russian military convoy was rushing through Yugoslavia with supplies.

In spite of the troops’ difficult situation – whose sudden arrival in Kosovo on Saturday spoiled the much-publicised entry of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) into Pristina – Russia is still planning to set an independent contingent of 5,000-7,000 soldiers peace- keeping presence.

The Russian peace-keeping presence in Kosovo must be increased quickly to deal with the “savage” ethnic cleansing of Serbs, argues Mitrofanov, who heads of the Geopolitics committee at the Russian parliament.

“It’s a horrible situation – the Serbian troops moved out, and now Serbian civilians are at the mercy of armed Albanians who moved in along with the NATO troops,” said Mitrofanov, who is also a member of Vladimir Zhirinovsly’s ultra-nationalist party

Some 15,000 Serbs have reportedly escaped from the province, fearing reprisals from KLA groups, starting another refugee crisis.

The Russian surprise action in Kosovo probably somewhat healed the wounded pride of the country’s military, largely ignored by NATO and likely to have otherwise been left out of the Kosovo operation, but it is unclear whether in the longer term Russia will profit from the paratroopers race into Pristina.

Some fear that western countries will retaliate by blocking financial aid from the International Monetary Fund. Nonetheless, the action has already served several purposes in Russian domestic and foreign politics.

The move has shown, for example, that the Kremlin can rely on the generals. Boris Yeltsin, the ailing Russian president is said to have directly supervised the operation, planned by general Viktor Zavarzin, Russia’s former military representative to NATO and coordinated by general Alexander Kvashnin, chief of staff of the Russian armed forces, apparently sidelining both Government and Parliament.

But the initial successful strike has been shadowed by the alleged failure of the plan’s second stage – the airlift of thousands of Russian paratroopers into Pristina – apparently because Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania refused to let Russian aircraft into their airspace.

Analysts ion Moscow argue that it took only 200 Russian paratroopers to throw NATO into confusion, thwarting the alliance plans to set up a command headquarters at Pristina airport. The surprise move also gave the Kremlin a new bargaining chip in its talks with NATO.

But the action has also clearly demonstrated the lack of consistency and coordination among the country’s top leaders. Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov has said that the Kosovo operation was part of a plan authorised by Yeltsin, but admitted that he had not been informed in advance.

Apart from Russia’s chief diplomat, it is understood that among the not-informed were also Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin, Defence minister Igor Sergeyev, and the Kremlin’s special envoy to the Balkans, former Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin.

Guennady Seleznyov, chairman of the State Duma – lower chamber of Russian parliament – has invited the Foreign and Defence ministers to attend a closed hearing to find out who had actually given the order to send Russian troops into Kosovo, a move which technically requires prior Parliament’s approval.

Prime Minister Stepashin announced Tuesday, after meeting Yeltsin, that Moscow’s “frictions” with NATO over the Russian role in Kosovo should be settled by the end of the week. He also pointed out that the efforts to establish a Russian role in Kosovo peacemaking should be coordinated by Russia’s Foreign ministry – a statement widely seen here as a reference to the independent ways of the Russian military.

Stepashin also insisted that last week’s United Nations Security Council resolution on Yugoslavia must be carried out in its entirety. He stressed the resolution’s point regarding the disarmament of illegal armed groups – the KLA.

However, it remains a matter of debate if the Kremlin has calculated all international consequences of this march

Russia and the United States have yet to reach agreement on the main sticking points – Russia’s demand to have control of a zone in Kosovo and its refusal to let troops serve under NATO command. Washington has dismissed Russia’s presence in Kosovo as militarily insignificant, but continued a top-level diplomatic dialogue to try to bring it under NATO command.

The Western alliance is understood to aim at a deal that would allow the Russian military to play a peacekeeping role without undermining NATO control. The US formula is a Russian “zone of responsibility” that would be at least formally under NATO command.

Yeltsin and US president Bill Clinton are expected to meet on June 20 in the German city of Cologne at a summit of the leaders of Russia and the world’s seven largest industrial powers – the United States, Italy, Germany, France, Britain, Japan and Canada (the Group of Eight).

Moscow will be represented by Stepashin before Yeltsin’s arrival. The Prime Minister has insisted that Russia should play a “substantial role” in the political resolution of the Kosovo crisis and in a peace force under U.N auspices.

This high profile march could prove too costly for Russia in the longer term, argues Alexander Shokhin, Duma’s deputy and former deputy Prime Minister. Now Russia’s chances to receive continued international financial aid are getting increasingly slim, he said.

Excerpt: