By IPS Correspondents and - -
MADRID, May 1 2004 (IPS)

On May 22, Prince Felipe de Borbon, heir to Spanish throne, will marry television news anchorwoman Letizia Ortiz. While the pomp and publicity of this royal event are sure to draw attention away from the crucial institutional dimensions of the monarchy, it is important to remember that it occupies a central place in the Spanish political system, writes Joaquin Roy, \’Jean Monnet\’ Professor and Director of the European Union Centre of the University of Miami. The king is both the highest representative of the state to other countries and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. It is the king who appoints the prime minister, prior to the recommendation by Congress (according to the results of elections or post-electoral arrangements), and who has the prerogative to declare war and make peace (with proper authorisation of Congress). Less fascinated with the monarchy than the British, Spaniards have less patience with it. For only a fraction of the bad behaviour of the Windsors, the Spanish monarchy would end in a few weeks. Felipe and Letizia know this very well. They will have to work every day to keep their jobs.

On May 22, Prince Felipe de Borbon, heir to the throne of Spain, will marry television news anchorwoman Letizia Ortiz. While the pomp and publicity of this royal event are sure to draw attention away from the crucial institutional dimensions of the monarchy –the last royal wedding in Spain was 98 years ago– it is important to remember that it occupies a central place in the Spanish political system.

In 1977, Spain held its first free elections since 1936. The year after, the 1978 Constitution was overwhelmingly approved in a referendum, and Spain became a parliamentary democracy.

Although the Constitution reserves the executive functions to the prime minister, the legislative duties to the Congress of Deputies, and judicial operations to the courts, it also confers numerous important functions upon the crown. The king is both the highest representative of the state to other countries (especially the Latin American nations) and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. It is the king who appoints the prime minister, prior to the recommendation by Congress (according to the results of elections or post-electoral arrangements), and who has the prerogative to declare war and make peace (with the proper authorisation of Congress).

It is the king who is responsible for accrediting foreign ambassadors and sanctioning international treaties and who has the power to disband Congress, call for new elections, postpone them in case of public emergency (this was a possibility after the March 11 terrorist attack), and send unruly military back to their barracks (which King Juan Carlos did on February 23, 1981, with the Spanish Congress kidnapped at gunpoint). For three decades, the Spanish crown has performed its constitutional duties impeccably. The future of the institution depends to a large extent on what happens after the wedding.

Felipe de Borbon has been prepared for this since birth, subject to strict rules and protocol. For Letizia Ortiz, the decision to marry was a momentous one that will catapult her some day to the position of Queen of Spain, the first native born in a century and half. Conscious of what they are up against, the Prince and Princess of Asturias will from now on be closely scrutinised by the press and citizens and measured against the very impressive standard set by the groom’s parents.

Paradoxically, misgivings about the Spanish monarchy and possible criticism of the future role of the heirs of the institution will not come from liberals or leftists (or even from the explicitly republican parties) but from conservatives and staunch monarchists. This sector, reinforced by a dinosaurian nobility, has kept discretely quiet all these years, waiting for a mistake to be made by King Juan Carlos I or Queen Sofia, who have executed their roles with great care — especially the queen, whom her husband considers ”a great professional”. The conservative-noble coalition may erupt in resentment that the royal couple has not established a ”court”.

Their revenge may fall upon the young couple, especially future Queen Letizia for her plebeian origin, her independent, natural attitude, and the fact she has been divorced. The left, specifically the social democrats, has been the most solid backer of the monarchy, early considered an ally and a guarantor for the consolidation of democracy during the first years of the political transition.

This was apparent during the coup attempt of 1981, which was quashed by the king himself. Having learned from the experience of his grandfather Alfonso XIII, who lost the throne for allowing the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera, Juan Carlos was also conscious that his wife’s Greek family lost the crown when Sofia’s brother King Constantine sided with the military. With the honeymoon over, the Spanish people will not tolerate such, or smaller, errors.

Less fascinated with the monarchy than the British, Spaniards have less patience with it. For only a fraction of the bad behaviour of the Windsors, the Spanish monarchy would end in a few weeks. Felipe and Letizia know this very well. They will have to work every day to keep their jobs.

Congratulations, anyway. With the sympathies of the Spanish people sincerely with the future royal couple, everything is ready and nothing should go wrong. At Alfonso XIII’s wedding, an anarchist (the terrorist of the time) threw a bomb embedded in a bouquet of flowers at the cortege. Just in case, NATO’s AWACS planes controlling the air space will guarantee that there is not a repeat performance. (END/COPYRIGHT IPS)

Excerpt: