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	<title>Inter Press ServiceTHAILAND: Anti-Thaksin Anger Vented on Singapore</title>
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		<title>THAILAND: Anti-Thaksin Anger Vented on Singapore</title>
		<link>https://www.ipsnews.net/2006/03/thailand-anti-thaksin-anger-vented-on-singapore/</link>
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		<pubDate>Fri, 03 Mar 2006 11:49:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Marwaan Macan-Markar</dc:creator>
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		<description><![CDATA[Marwaan Macan-Markar]]></description>
		
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><font color="#999999"><p class="wp-caption-text">Marwaan Macan-Markar</p></font></p><p>By Marwaan Macan-Markar<br />BANGKOK , Mar 3 2006 (IPS) </p><p>Singaporeans living in Thailand or visiting as tourists may have reason to feel nervous at the manner in which the affluent city-state is portrayed in the increasingly bitter political debate that has engulfed Bangkok.<br />
<span id="more-18817"></span><br />
Three anti-government demonstrations in February, which attracted thousands of largely middle-class Thais, offered glimpses of this hostile sentiment towards South-east Asia&#8217;s richest country.</p>
<p>&#8221;Welcome to Thailand: The Second Branch of Singapore,&#8221; read one of the lesser provocative banners held up by the demonstrators at one public rally. During these rallies, all a speaker has to do is castigate Singapore as a nation trying to buy its way into Thailand and the crowds roar in agreement.</p>
<p>Singapore as the scapegoat has its antecedents in a deal, made public late January, between Shin Corp., a telecommunications conglomerate founded by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and Temasek, the investment arm of the Singapore government.</p>
<p>Shin Corp. was sold to Temasek by the Shinawatra family, which ran the company after Thaksin shifted from being billionaire tycoon to running the government, in a deal which fetched 1.88 billion US dollars. No taxes were paid.</p>
<p>Almost immediately, a bout of Singapore-bashing began to manifest itself in sections of the Thai-language media. &#8221;Our country has become a colony of Singapore,&#8221; wrote a columnist in the Jan. 25 edition of &#8216;Kom Chad Luk,&#8217; one of Thailand&#8217;s leading local language dailies.<br />
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There even was a racial slant to the editorial. &#8221;We should be aware of the danger from the black-haired and small-eyed foreignersà &#8221;We won&#8217;t have anything left over the next few years because those black-haired and small-eyed foreigners came to be involved in every single policy in Thailand.&#8221;</p>
<p>The warning that rising hostility against Thaksin could get transferred to Singapore manifested in February during protests by a group of activists in front of the Singapore embassy here, calling on Temasek to cancel the deal.</p>
<p>Thailand&#8217;s English-language newspapers have drawn attention to &#8221;xenophobia&#8221; and the &#8221;anti-foreigner&#8221; sentiment in articles reflecting the mood of a city angry at the Shinawatra family for an act of betrayal. Shin Corp., say the critics, owned key sectors of the country&#8217;s economy and controlled an industry with sensitive security issues that should continue to remain in Thai hands.</p>
<p>This week, the leader of Thailand&#8217;s opposition Democrat Party, Abhist Vejjajiva, told journalists at the Foreign Correspondents&#8217; Club of Thailand that there was reason for worry. He added, though, that &#8221;most Thais do not want us, as a nation, to slip into that kind of nationalism.&#8221;</p>
<p>&#8221;If Temasek cooperates (in making known the conditions of the Shin Corp. sale), I don&#8217;t see why there would be a reason for resentment to be directed at Singaporeans,&#8221; he said.</p>
<p>The Democrat Party&#8217;s decision to boycott a snap parliamentary election in early April, called by Thaksin as a way to resolve the current crisis, is expected to push up the political temperature. Two smaller opposition parties have also thrown their weight behind the Democrats.</p>
<p>The Shin Corp. deal is only one of the many issues that have angered the government&#8217;s critics. The Thaksin administration is also being charged with corruption and financial irregularities, intimidating the media and undermining independent institutions set up to check the power of the government.</p>
<p>Singapore is currently Thailand&#8217;s second largest investor after Japan. In 2004, its investments were estimated at 600 million dollars. The portfolio includes banks, blue-chip property development and shares in the hospital and hotel sectors. The largest stockbroker in Thailand&#8217;s Securities and Exchange Commission is a Singaporean entity, Kim Eng Securities.</p>
<p>But foreigner- bashing is not new here. In the wake of the 1997 financial crisis, there was an eruption of anti-foreigner sentiments by the Thai middle class that lasted up to 1999. Foreigners &#8211; largely Westerners &#8211; were faulted for creating the conditions that led to the Thai economy plunging. Helping to propagate the notion of &#8221;the innocent Thai being at the receiving end of the rapacious foreign businessmen&#8221; were the local broadcasting and print media.</p>
<p>In the early 1970s, the target of ultra-nationalism was the Japanese. In the vanguard were university students enraged at Thailand&#8217;s trade deficit with Japan and the latter&#8217;s dominance of the local economy. The students called for a boycott of Japanese goods, a Japanese-owned gym was attacked and, most dramatically, hundreds of students surrounded the hotel where the then Japanese prime minister Kakuei Tanaka was staying and chanted anti-Japanese slogans.</p>
<p>Analysts of Thai political culture are not surprised by these outbursts from a people who, in the course of their normal lives, appear gentle, calm and are known for their captivating smiles.</p>
<p>&#8221;It stems from the way the sense of &#8216;Thainess&#8217; and the Thai identity has been constructed over the past century,&#8221; David Streckfuss, a U.S. academic specialising in Thai political culture, told IPS. &#8221;There is a certain narrowness that has the potential to erupt into xenophobia under particular conditions.&#8221;</p>
<p>A similar argument has been made by a Thai academic, Pavin Chachavalpongpun, in a book published late last year, &#8216;A Plastic Nation,&#8217; about identity formation. &#8221;Historically, the farang (foreigner) threat was ingrained into the Thai minds during the peak of Western colonisation in Asia. Today, the threat of the farang remains,&#8221; he writes. &#8221;Tam kon farang (worshipping foreigners or foreignness) is deemed as a crime to Thainess.&#8221;</p>
<p>Ironically, Thaksin was a leading exponent of such anti-foreigner sentiment when he set up his Thai Rak Thai (Thais Love Thai) party in 1998 and he road a wave of extreme nationalism to secure an emphatic victory at the January 2001 elections to begin his first term in office.</p>
<p>&#8221;Thaksin is now at the receiving end of this Thai nationalist streak after selling Shin Corp.,&#8221; says Streckfuss. &#8221;The Singaporeans are the unfortunate targets of this feeling that foreigners cannot protect and represent the interest of Thais.&#8221;</p>
		<p>Excerpt: </p>Marwaan Macan-Markar]]></content:encoded>
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