By Luisa Morgantini and - -
BRUSSELS, Dec 10 2007 (IPS)

The December 31 deadline for ratification of the EU-ACP Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the European Union and the ACP Group (Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific) should be extended for negotiating these agreements, writes Luisa Morgantini, vice president of the European Parliament. In this analysis, Morgantini writes that numerous studies show the effect of eliminating preferences and implementing the sort of trade liberalisation that the EU wants to introduce would be devastating to the African economies. Two economies at completely different phases of development should not be treated as if they were equal. It is wrong to pretend that the liberalisation \’\’of almost all trade\’\’ between them can generate development. The assumption that the EPAs and WTO rules are unavoidable ignores the possibility of working through this organisation to change the rules. It is to be hoped that the Commission will listen to the arguments of the many voices who have called for an extension of the deadline for negotiating the EPAs, for exclusion of discussion of the \’\’Singapore issues\’\’, and for the EPAs to be transformed into true instruments of co-operation for development and not mere free-trade accords.

Discussion of the EPAs has been underway since the Cotonu Agreement was established in Benin in June 2000, when the decision was taken to revolutionise trade relations between the EU and the ACP Group through preferences for ACP exports into the European markets. Changes in the agreements were deemed necessary to adapt them to the rules of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). For certain sectors, these changes are welcome, given that in the thirty years since the implementation of this asymmetrical system of trade preferences, the ACP countries have seen no significant economic benefit.

But there are aspects that EPA supporters do not take into account when they assert first that agreements must be adapted to WTO rules and second that this will benefit the ACP group. The fact that the asymmetrical system was not a success is not enough to prove that eliminating it would be beneficial. On the contrary, numerous studies show that the effect of eliminating preferences and implementing the sort of trade liberalisation that the EU wants to introduce would be devastating to the African economies. These studies, in truth, do little more than confirm what common sense already tells us: that two economies at completely different phases of development should not be treated as if they were equal. It is wrong to pretend that the liberalisation ”of almost all trade” between them can generate development.

Moreover, the assumption that the EPAs and WTO rules are unavoidable ignores the possibility of working through this organisation to change the rules. If the problem is only these rules, it is hard to understand why the European Union is pushing to negotiate liberalisation, not only in the goods sector but also in the service sector and the so-called ”Singapore issues” (bids, investment, and competition) that were excluded from world trade negotiations during the WTO Ministerial in Cancun in 2003, and now would be introduced by the back door.

It seems clear to me that the EPAs are neither necessary nor appropriate, but it is worth asking if they even feasible? Up until a few weeks ago commissioner Mandelson held that there was no alternative plan to the EPAs and that many regions were ready to approve them. Now, in contrast, it seems that it will be possible to approve a few ”light” versions of EPAs, meaning they would apply only to goods and not to services or the ”Singapore Issues”. Worse, it seems that the regional unions that the EPAs should favour are in fact falling apart. As a result in certain cases only a few of the countries that make up the various blocs will sign the agreement. In other cases it will only be possible to reach provisional agreements. Meanwhile in Kenya two organisations have initiated a judicial action to block any signing of EPAs on the grounds that because they are harmful to development they violate human rights.

It is to be hoped that the Commission will listen to the arguments of the many voices who have called for an extension of the deadline for negotiating the EPAs, for exclusion of discussion of the ”Singapore issues”, and for the EPAs to be transformed into true instruments of co-operation for development and not mere free-trade accords.

The declaration adopted in Kigali, Rwanda, on November 19-22 of this year by the EU-ACP parliamentary assembly states that the ACP countries that are ”under pressure from the European Commission to sign the EPAs”, must have more time to evaluate their consequences. It also states that no ACP country that signs an agreement –whether an EPA or an interim agreement– can find itself in a less advantageous position than before. Parliamentarians also hold that the EPAs must contribute effectively to ACP countries’ efforts at regional integration, which must be negotiated in a spirit of true co-operation, and that no economic aid can be made conditional on the approval of EPAs.

I am among those who argue that signing the EPAs should be tied to a concession by the EU of suitable measures to compensate the asymmetries with regard to the ACP countries, and that it should be guaranteed that the effects of the new agreements on local communities will be closely watched by the parliaments and civil society of the countries affected.(END/COPYRIGHT IPS)

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By Luisa Morgantini
ROME, Oct 12 2007 (IPS)

The European Union has definite responsibilities in the Palestine crisis, and must now carry them out, says Luisa Morgantini, Vice-President of the European Parliament.

Luisa Morgantini Credit:

Morgantini welcomed the adoption by the European Parliament Thursday of a resolution on the humanitarian situation in Gaza. The resolution calls on Israel "to fulfil its international obligations under the Geneva Conventions to guarantee the flow of humanitarian aid, humanitarian assistance and essential services, such as electricity and fuel, to the Gaza Strip."

Excerpts from the interview:

IPS: You have described the situation in Gaza as "collective punishment…"

Luisa Morgantini: I&#39ve been in Gaza recently, and I saw how the Strip is overwhelmed by a serious humanitarian crisis due to the raids and the closure imposed by the Israeli Army. The massive devastation of public facilities and private homes, the disruption to hospitals, clinics and schools, the denial of access to proper drinking water, food and electricity, and the destruction of agricultural land create a real catastrophe for civilians.

Furthermore, the blockade on the movement paralyses the economy and contributes to an extremely high rate of unemployment, while the health system is under severe pressure.

The European Union has to demand with force to the Israeli Government the full respect for human rights and international law in the whole area.

IPS: Are there any differences between the EU and the United States&#39 view on recognition of Hamas, the group that won the Palestinian Authority&#39s general legislative elections in 2006?

LM: Of course there are some differences. The EU recognised them as legitimate elections, and held democratically. No doubt that this recognition should have implied recognition of the Palestinian government as well. This has not been possible due to the U.S. imposing their view of Hamas as a terrorist force.

Actually, choosing to go to elections, Hamas did choose to enter democratic life, and offered to suspend military actions.

The point is that differences (of view) have been just whispered rather than expressed through political actions; though continuing to give economic support to Palestinian people, EU has practised a form of ostracism towards the elected government of Hamas.

Unfortunately, it has applied ostracism even to the Government of National Unity supported by all the Palestinian political parties.

IPS: You mean those views different to those of the U.S. have not been &#39acted&#39 upon…

LM: It&#39s the eternal problem with the EU. Though an economic giant and the major donor for developing countries, it has weak political authority and lets its judgement get befuddled by U.S. views.

It is clearly a contradiction to say that the elections are democratic and then refuse the results. It&#39s double standards.

IPS: Some observers say that there&#39s no more room for hope in Palestine, given that it has no land, and many people continue to leave the territories as refugees.

LM: The vision of &#39two peoples, two states&#39 becomes steadily weaker. The Palestinian state that was supposed to exist in those territories occupied 40 years ago could only see colonies growing instead of its structures. Those colonies have taken away Palestinian land. And now, in the last four-five years this separation wall dividing Palestinians from Palestinians, giving new land to Israel, and removing fertile land from Palestine people.

An example is the little village of Belain in Ramallah district, where for three years young Palestinians and Israelis hold non-violent expressions to say &#39no&#39 to the wall. Sixty percent of the fertile and cultivated land in this little village is on the other (Israeli) side of the wall, as is the case in many other villages deprived of land and water.

Moreover, Palestine territories are fragmented by Israeli checkpoints throughout villages. The result of this fragmentation policy is that Palestinians in Gaza cannot meet their relatives who live only a few kilometres from there, in Hebron.

Israel has operated the politics of segregation for millions of Palestinians who still live in the occupied territories. Given such fragmentation, it&#39s hard to believe in a viable Palestinian state that is able to coexist with Israel. The truth is that every day land is devoured by the colonies. Two days ago we came to know that the land of some villages around Jerusalem has been confiscated to host 3,500 new apartments of colonies.

IPS: How can peace penetrate – as a will, not just hope – in the conscience of people who have grown up amidst violence and hate?

LM: There are some extraordinary experiences that give me hope. I am thinking of the Parent&#39s Circles, groups of parents and relatives of Palestinian or Israeli people who have been killed by suicide attacks by Palestinians or by Israeli soldiers. They are some 600 families who work together to stop violence, persuaded that making peace implies recognition that each part has its own rights.

Or the Combatants for Peace, a group of former Israeli soldiers and former Palestinian militants, who ask for peace and ask to stop military occupation.

Peace can penetrate, I&#39m sure. It&#39s up to political leaders to both preach and to act peace. But to me each part has its own responsibility, I am not putting on the same level the President (of the Palestinian National Authority) Mahmud Abbas and the Israeli government: they have different responsibilities. Then, there are the extremist Palestinian groups, who continue to shoot Israeli civilians. But these are extremist groups, they&#39re not the Authority and not the Israeli Government.

I think that if Israel wanted peace, if it really accepted to return occupied territories, then peace would be possible. Meanwhile, I am confident and full of hope, thanks to those extraordinary Palestinian and Israeli people who continue to work together.

IPS: You met some of them in Perugia last week, attending the United Nations of the People meeting and then joining the peace march Perugia-Assisi.

LM: Yes, I met Bassam Aramin (founder of the group Combatants for Peace), who was detained in an Israeli prison for seven years when he was a young militant against occupation. In January, his daughter Abir, 11 years old, was killed by an Israeli bullet in the school garden. A rapid enquiry by the Israeli authorities stated that the child had been killed by a stone.

In Perugia, he was with a group of Israeli soldiers and for his loss he did not demand revenge, all he&#39s asking for is justice. He is an amazing example of a Palestinian who has not missed his humanity, despite this long-lasting strategy of dehumanisation.

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