Credit: UN Photo/Loey Felipe
 
Hate speech is an alarm bell – the louder it rings, the greater the threat of genocide, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said last year as the General Assembly commemorated the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.

By Margee Ensign
BLAGOEVGRAD, Bulgaria, Apr 11 2024 (IPS)

As we contemplate the clouded futures of Gaza, Ukraine, and other dire conflict zones that get far less coverage, it may be instructive to recall the surprising success story of a ravaged country that bounced back: Rwanda.

Rwanda’s Genocide Against the Tutsi began 30 years ago this week, and a week of national mourning is underway. The death toll was an order of magnitude worse than in Gaza today: between 500,00 and a million Rwandans were slaughtered in less than three months, and mass graves are still being uncovered.

The U.S saw the victims as “casualties of war” and refused to use the word “genocide.” It stood by as the death toll mounted, an unsettling parallel with U.S. statements and actions on Gaza today. In fact, the US blocked efforts to stop the killing. It led a successful bid to remove UN peacekeepers and stopped UN authorization of reinforcements. It seemed to have made a decision to leave Rwandans to their fate.

No one could have predicted what happened in the wake of the genocide. Since 1994, survivors and attackers reconciled. Life expectancy more than doubled. In fact, 98% of Rwanda’s population now has health insurance.

A million Rwandans have been lifted out of poverty. Rwanda now leads the world’s second largest continent in socio-economic development. It ranks highest for ease of doing business and investment.

It also leads Africa in modelling home-grown solutions for seeking justice, fighting poverty, and promoting gender equity and civic participation. Women are now the majority in Parliament.

All this was unimaginable 30 years ago. How did it happen?

Once the killing had stopped, Rwanda found a creative vision and new ways to seek justice and hold its new leaders accountable for post-genocidal progress. The restorative justice approach of Rwanda’s Gacaca courts was one of the world’s most ambitious post-conflict justice and reconciliation programs.

Over a ten-year period, a million suspects were tried in community-based courts. They confronted war crimes while fostering forgiveness and inclusiveness, allowing communities to heal.

Rwanda’s homegrown Imihigo system, based on pre-colonial cultural practices, reformed the formerly highly centralized government using a decentralized, performance-based governance model that delivered services the traumatized population needed.

Local and national leaders are periodically required to demonstrate the progress and the impact of policies. That contributed to verifiable improvements in access to services, human development indicators, and local political participation.

Since the genocide, gender equity has been embedded in Rwanda’s constitution and its education system, transforming politics, economics, and family life. Today Rwandan women are visionary leaders. Half of the President’s cabinet and 61% of Members of Parliament are female. Rwanda has near-universal primary school enrollment – girls included. With its innovative IT education and nationwide digital network coverage, Rwanda has become a model of educational progress.

So, what lessons can we learn from Rwanda about resilience and reconstruction after the convulsions of war and genocide and how they apply to war-ravaged countries today?

First, we can’t repeat the mistakes of 1994. The U.S. and the international community must stand up to stop the slaughter, and make sure food and access to health care are assured.

Once the killing stops, reconciliation is the way to start rebuilding. If reconciling the antagonists in the Middle East seems hopeless or impossible, just look at Rwanda. In 100 days, over a million members of the Tutsi minority group, as well as Twa and Hutu who and stood up against the genocide, were murdered by Hutu militias.

“The dead of Rwanda accumulated at nearly three times the rate of Jewish dead during the Holocaust,” Philip Gourevitch wrote. “It was the most efficient mass killing since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.”

Yet even so, the antagonists eventually came together. It required extraordinary political will, and belief in the impossible. But it happened. Together Rwandans were able to fashion and implement home-grown solutions to their shared problems.

The emphasis on gender equity, on women as visionary leaders, not victims, is also key. Research shows that countries that promote women’s rights and increase their access to education and economic opportunity grow faster, are more peaceful, and have less inequality and less corruption compared to countries that don’t.

Rwanda has many remaining challenges, but it staged one of the most impressive comebacks of modern times. Its leaders, led by President Kagame, rejected the policies of hate and division and retribution, and rebuilt the country from the ashes.

That provides some hope and evidence that Gaza, Ukraine, and other conflict-ravaged countries can too. Thirty years after the genocide, Rwanda is living proof that it is possible.

Professor Margee Ensign is the President of the American University in Bulgaria and author of Rwanda: History and Hope and co-editor of Confronting Genocide in Rwanda.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Margee Ensign
BLAGOEVGRAD, Bulgaria, Mar 18 2024 (IPS)

Putin’s regime has made it abundantly clear that it will violently repress and punish political opposition. Even as protestors chanted “Russia will be free!” at Nalvalny’s funeral, dozens were arrested simply for honoring his memory.

Nalvalny’s martyrdom and the crackdown on his followers points up a loss of freedom not only in Russia but around the world, as authoritarian regimes everywhere seek to stifle dissent and undermine democracy through ever-more sophisticated disinformation campaigns. It’s a lethal threat which requires a coordinated international response.

The Framework to Counter Foreign State Information Manipulation, which the US, UK, and Canada endorse, posits a multilateral approach to nurturing fact-based information ecosystems resistant to manipulation by foreign states.

That’s a start, but countering growing authoritarianism requires a bigger, more interconnected ecosystem of robust civil society, media, and academia, each of which underpin democratic values and an informed citizenry, and connect the individual to the state.

They are the institutions which nurture and amplify the voices daring to speak out against tyranny. They incubate grassroots movements pushing back against disinformation, and demanding accountability.

Universities are a key part of this mix. In the struggle to preserve freedom, they can’t stand above the political fray. They must embrace their crucial role in building courageous citizenship and equipping students to think critically and serve the higher good.

My institution, the American University in Bulgaria (AUBG) has produced people like investigative journalist Christo Grozev. He and his team exposed the operatives behind the 2018 poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal in Salisbury, England, and Navalny’s poisoning in 2020, landing him on Putin’s “most-wanted” list. Grozev was prominently featured in the 2022 documentary “Navalny” and shared an Oscar for it.

Universities around the world should consciously cultivate their role in producing the next generation of Navalnys, Volkovs, and Grozevs. With Russia assuming the presidency of the BRICS bloc and expanding disinformation campaigns across the Global South, authoritarianism is getting deliberately globalized.

We therefore should be deliberate about globalizing independent journalism and courageous citizenship. Universities must make it part of their mission to nurture them, and governments and civil society need to consciously protect journalists and activists.

It’s getting more and more dangerous to be either. Youth activists engaging on social media have never been more at risk. Killings of environmental activists are at record highs. Recently more journalists died in Palestine in three months than were ever killed in a single country in a whole year.

When journalists are murdered for doing their jobs, nine out of ten times the killer walks free. So groups advocating for journalists are calling for stepped up prevention, protection, and prosecution of their attackers.

Such measures aren’t acts of charity; they are necessary, strategic defense of the infrastructure of democracy, which is under attack from disinformation campaigns. International awards and recognition, multilateral legal instruments, and diplomatic pressure are necessary but often insufficient, as Navalny’s death proves.

He had no lack of support from Western democracies, and a slew of awards from many countries, including a nomination for the Nobel Prize.

We must learn from Navalny’s death as well as his life, and from growing attacks on democracy advocates everywhere, and get serious about building a better, stronger bulwark against the rising tide of authoritarianism. The global community must invest in training, legal protection, access to international platforms, and material and moral support for journalists under threat.

Universities must own their role as crucibles for courageous inquiry, truth-telling, public service, and unflinching civic engagement. That’s why AUBG will organize a series of workshops this year in Alexei Navalny’s memory, working with journalists and government officials to recognize and redress the dangers posed by disinformation campaigns.

In the end, it is by the courage with which we pursue truth that our era will be defined and freedom will stand or fall. Journalists who face down repression and bear witness, and activists who speak truth to power, are the architects of democratic resilience.

As authoritarianism and disinformation seek to expand around the world, we must optimize and globalize not only our markets and technologies, but also our active defense of truth and democracy.

Dr. Margee Ensign is the 10th president of the American University in Bulgaria.

IPS UN Bureau

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