By Pam Bailey
GAZA CITY, Mar 18 2011 (IPS)

Palestinians are calling for boycotts against Israeli products and companies. But in the Gaza Strip — at the heart of the Israeli occupation — it is often impossible for residents to follow their own call to action.

The Israeli currency (the shekel) is the only monetary system in use, and Israeli products dominate key markets, particularly household items such as dairy products and detergents. Although Israel is finally allowing import of the supplies needed to produce most items locally, the four-year-long siege has taken its toll and industries must build up their businesses virtually from scratch.

“It’s been a long time under siege, and we have been a captive market,” said Sameh Nasr, executive manager of Arjan, a Gaza beverage company that participated in this month’s industrial exhibition at Islamic University in Gaza City. “We have to educate the people that they can ‘buy Gaza’ again.”

The exhibition was the fourth such event sponsored by the Palestinian Federation of Industries (PFI), which represents about 2,000 factories in Gaza that are working to get back on their feet. In addition to the production of food both through agriculture and manufacture, Gaza has long been known for the fine craftsmanship of its furniture.

A small new hotel called ‘The Museum’ — so named because of the collection of local artefacts displayed in the adjacent restaurant — recently opened, with each bedroom featuring locally made furniture that would be the envy of artisan-loving connoisseurs anywhere.

Materials such as fine woods and a variety of metals are slowly becoming available again despite the ongoing border controls, easing the hardships that caused manufacturers such as Yassin Al-Masri — whose grandfather started a furniture business 30 years ago — to scavenge among destroyed buildings for the metals he shapes into ornate designs for the frames of chairs, tables, sofas and stairways.

However, although the slight easing of the blockade has made it easier for businessmen like Al-Masri to make their goods, the only market to date –- due to the low income of the population -– is among “elite” customers like The Museum.

The largest segment of Gaza factories is the garment industry, with between 700 and 800 production plants. It is also the hardest hit by the siege, since it was the most dependent on exports — still banned by Israel.

According to Khader Shinawra, manager of the PFI in Gaza, the garment sector of the economy employed 30,000 workers and generated sales of 8 million to 10 million USD per month prior to 2005, when Israel withdrew its 8,000 settlers and began imposing a blockade on the Strip.

The siege tightened still further after Hamas seized control in 2007. Today, just 2,000 employees remain at work in the industry, representing a loss of 80 percent of the companies that once helped fuel the local economy.

Allah Shak, who has worked for the 30-year-old Gaza-based garment company Nabei Al-Jawda (“quality”) for the past five years, proudly showed off his employer’s jeans at the trade exhibition, explaining that now that the blockade has lifted a little, fabrics from as far away as Germany can be obtained to make clothing of the highest calibre.

However, the cost of doing business is still high in Gaza due to the many restrictions and shortages, and he complained of a problem that Shinawra says is pervasive — competition from cheaper goods entering the Strip primarily from China and Turkey.

“It’s important to support our local businesses so we can become independent and preserve the great skill our people have,” Shak said through an interpreter. “But I know how hard it is for a family with seven or eight children to survive when locally made jeans cost 60 to 100 shekels a pair, compared to imported ones they can buy for just 20-30.”

Even the traditional Palestinian clothing that features the intricate embroidery for which the local culture is known is too expensive for most local residents.

Shinawra said that the only way to return the economy to solid footing is for the international community to pressure Israel to allow exports once more, providing the substantial income needed to revitalise business.

In the case of agriculture, particularly strawberries and flowers, a few governments from European countries such as the Netherlands have used their diplomatic weight to pressure Israel into allowing exports during prime market seasons. However, said Shinawra, “no one has been willing to adopt our garment industry. No one is trying to help.”

As a result of this frustration, free trade has become the focus of a new generation of activists, like Jihan (“JeJe”) Alfarra, an English literature student who focuses on the topic in her blog called “Palinoia” — a merging of “Palestinian” and “paranoia” to express what she perceives to be society’s unwarranted fear of her people.

“Lots of people are trying to bring aid to Gaza, but that’s not really what we need,” said Alfarra. “We are more than capable of taking care of ourselves if we can just have control over our own borders. Gaza is great; we have such brains and talent here.

“People work on getting out because there are no opportunities for them here right now, and when they get to other countries, they do very well. But if they could stay here and have factories of their own — just wait and see what we can do.”

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By Pam Bailey
GAZA CITY, Feb 27 2011 (IPS)

A look at the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings that succeeded in ousting long- entrenched dictators confirms a universal truth: it is the youth who are leading the way in forcing reform in the Middle East.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, particularly the troubled Gaza Strip, youth are a potential ticking time bomb. Palestinian youth in the Gaza Strip make up the biggest segment of society, with more than half of the 1.8 million inhabitants under 18 years of age.

Like their compatriots in Tunisia and Egypt, Palestinians of Gaza have been inhibited from fully participating in shaping their future by an autocratic, often oppressive government – one that has not held free elections since 2006.

Unlike youth elsewhere, though, they are struggling under an additional layer of restriction – a four-year-long blockade imposed by Israel with the cooperation of Egypt.

Talal Okal, a Gazan political columnist who has written for Palestine’s Al Yam newspaper for 15 years and Dubai’s Al Bayam for five, said through an interpreter, “Even before the events that split our government and pit Hamas and Fatah against each other, youth weren’t well organized. They didn’t get much support from outside, or inside. The political factions were only interested in using them as employees or fighters.”

After the schism in 2006, the situation worsened. Youth groups previously licensed by the Fatah-led government in the Gaza Strip were dissolved by the new Hamas administration, and communication with the West Bank was effectively severed as Israel imposed its blockade.

In the wake of the 2008/2009 Israeli invasion, however, new youth groups started to come to life, even as Hamas shut down the oldest, called the Sharek Youth Forum. Now, as “revolution fever” sweeps the region, Gazan youth are feeling a new energy.

An attempted “Day of Dignity” on Feb. 11 – called by an anonymous, pro- Fatah group to protest Hamas restrictions – was disbanded before it ever really began. Suspected organizers were interrogated, and police blanketed the street corners.

However, a broader coalition of youth has now coalesced around plans for a March 15 sit-in, demanding that Hamas and Fatah halt their propaganda campaign against each other, include all Palestinian factions in a restructured PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization), force their senior representatives in the two governments (West Bank and Gaza) to resign their posts, and call new elections after agreeing to work together.

“Abu Yazan,” the nickname adopted by a 24-year-old student who is one of the leaders of GYBO (Gaza Youth Break Out) and one of the organizers, has been in touch with Palestinian youth leaders in the West Bank, Lebanon, Jordan and even as far away as France, and similar sit-ins are being planned there.

“We aren’t going to leave until they meet our demands,” he says, adding that he and his co-organizers are reaching out to the leaders of the Egyptian protests for advice. “People here are so depressed about the two political movements. We want one government, one security system. Put everyone on the election books and those who are clean will stay.”

Not all youth in Gaza like the idea of protesting against Palestinians’ own governments, saying the real enemy is Israel. Mohammed Herzallah, 21, a coordinator of Soora – at two years old, one of the oldest and largest youth groups in Gaza – says, “The best thing for youth to do now is to focus on our biggest problem – the siege. Yes, we have internal problems, but we need to stay focused on our most enduring threat.”

He, like many others, believes that the division within the Palestinian community is encouraged by Israel, and thus the occupation must end before unity can truly be achieved and sustained.

Abu Yazan and other youth leaders, however, insist that unity is required to effectively resist the occupation and that political reform would significantly improve quality of life in the meantime. The slogan for the March 15 event is “End the division. One people against zionism.”

Gazan youth groups are near unanimous in their support of the Palestinian Authority’s call for elections, although – as Abu Yazan points out – that will be impossible until the two parties reach some kind of unity agreement. Hamas has come out firmly against Fatah’s plan for September elections, and without its participation, they would be a farce.

Ali Abdul Bari, a 24-year-old leader of Esha (Wake Up), a liberal, secular group devoted to promoting human rights, tells a story to illustrate just how deep the divide is. His group posted a sign demanding elections near the destroyed Palestinian Parliament building in downtown Gaza City. It was removed by Hamas 90 minutes later, despite the permit they had obtained. Later, many group members were interrogated or had their backgrounds checked.

“We have taken what happened with Hamas and Fatah as a lesson,” says Safwan Thabet, 22, a member of the youth group Genesis. “If given the chance, we will stay unified. We are all Palestinians. If any conflict happens again over an election, there can’t be any killing; we will just throw flowers.”

Meanwhile, there is broad agreement that the blockade against Gaza is the primary cause of their suffering. Many youth leaders interviewed are not optimistic that the regime change in Egypt will reverse its longstanding collaboration with Israel’s blockade of Gaza. “The military (in Egypt) have already said they will honour all prior international agreements,” observes Mohammed Ashekh Yousef, 22, a leader with the youth group Fikra (idea).

Bari is more optimistic. “Soon, Egypt will have elections and the people who made the revolution will elect representatives to control the government. They are Arabs and Muslims and will support us in our call for freedom.”

He adds that the Palestinians must be clear, however, that what they want is not more aid, but independence and freedom. “The media talk about Gaza as a centre of starvation, but that’s not true. What we are lacking is our freedom: We have a sea, but we can’t use it. We have air, but we aren’t allowed to build an airport. We want to be able to depend on ourselves. And it’s not just Gaza; we want to be part of Palestine.”

Excerpt:

By Pam Bailey
GAZA CITY, Feb 6 2011 (IPS)

Ripple effects of the Egyptian uprising are now spreading to Gaza, where some groups are planning a new rally next week. Moves by some Gazans to mimic protesters in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen by taking to the streets are making the Hamas government nervous.

Gazans storm a petrol station in search of fuel. Credit: Pam Bailey

“I found out about the rally through Facebook, and it said the sit-in was in support of the Egyptian people in their revolution. I wanted to be part of something, to help the Egyptian people somehow,” recalls Mahmoud, afraid to give his full name.

“The government had already held a big demonstration on Friday, and most of the movements joined it, but most youth don’t belong to any faction here. I didn’t want to be part of that. I wanted to do something from me.”

Mahmoud describes what happened when he arrived at the Square of the Unknown Soldier, where most demonstrations are held in Gaza City. “Out of the blue, an officer wearing civilian clothes grabbed my hand and said ‘come with me.’ …He pushed me into a jeep and accused me of protesting against them. He said, ‘I’m going to teach you a lesson.’ I thought they were going to beat us.”

Mahmoud believes he was not beaten because a relative works for the government. Several hours later, after being blindfolded and interrogated, he was released. His telephone was confiscated and only returned two days later.

On Jan. 28, a Facebook page appeared calling for a revolution in Gaza and naming Feb. 11 a day of protest against the Hamas government. Although no one knows who is organizing it, Ma’an News reports that Fatah officials have repeatedly asked the agency to cover the initiative. Four days later, another page was set up on Facebook, calling for a revolution in Ramallah and the ouster of President Mahmoud Abbas.

Despite the beatings and arrests of the bloggers who demonstrated, Samah Ahmad el-Rawagh – a trainer for a human rights organization and youth activist – says she will participate in the Feb. 11 protest.

“I’m not playing an organizational role in this activity, but I have no problem participating to express my opinion. All of our lives, we have known our enemy is one – the Israeli occupation. But now we have two enemies, the Israeli occupation and the separation between Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Our demand is to end this separation and set a date for elections, to give us our right as youths to vote and choose the leadership that will represent us.

“What happened before won’t scare us away. I believe the youth are able to make change and we’re a youth community; we are more than the half of the population. It is up to us.”

But while the outcome of such protests is uncertain, what is certain is the difficulties residents of the Gaza Strip are facing. The border between Gaza and Egypt is sealed shut, fuel imports have been cut off, and hundreds of people cannot reach medical care or separated family members.

With insecurity and violence across Egypt, including its southern region along the border, workers who normally smuggle in fuel have fled to their homes or to fight Egyptian forces. The smuggling of fuel and other materials reached its lowest level after clashes between Egyptian residents of north Sinai and security forces intensified.

According to Mahmoud al-Shawa, president of the board of directors of the Palestinian Energy and Natural Resources Authority in the Strip, Gaza needs 800,000 litres of diesel (200,000 for the main power station) and 300,000 litres of petrol daily. Only half of that requirement was available even before the Egyptian uprising.

Most of Gaza’s supply must be smuggled through the tunnels from Egypt, since fuel from Israel is not only limited in quantity but too expensive for most residents.

“One litre of diesel (from Egypt) costs 1.7 shekels, compared to 6.16 from Israel (a dollar is 3.7 shekels),” says al-Shawa. “I am asking Salam Fayyad (the Palestinian Authority-appointed prime minister) and President Mahmoud Abbas (who governs the West Bank) to remove the taxes so civilians can buy petrol. Gaza has been under Israeli blockade for more than four years, and people have no jobs.”

Noting that the authority has had to ration petrol to the Strip’s 29 stations to stop panic buying, as well as to control prices, al-Shawa said he is particularly worried about Gaza’s hospitals, orphanages and vital enterprises such as bakeries and chicken farms.

“We have a big problem, and I am asking the world and America to remember Gaza. There will be a disaster if we don’t do something.”

Until Jan. 30, the Rafah crossing between Egypt and Gaza had been open five days a week for foreigners and Palestinians going in and out for medical treatment, to visit family and to attend school. On average, 400 Gazans would leave and 200 would return every day. Now the terminal is empty. The passport police, intelligence officers and other employees all left.

When Dr. Ghaza Hamad, chief manager of Gaza’s Department of Borders and Crossing finally managed to make contact with a liaison, he was told the situation in Egypt was too dangerous for staff to work and for the border to be opened.

“There are thousands of people who can’t leave Gaza or get back in,” said Dr. Hamad. “Those needing to leave Gaza include those with cancer or other critical disease. And those who are stranded in Cairo and other parts of Egypt are frequently patients who’ve finished with their treatment and who can’t afford to stay in a hotel or to rent a house. There is a need to open the border at least partially.”

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By Pam Bailey
GAZA CITY, Jan 25 2011 (IPS)

When the Hamas government of Gaza imposed restrictions on shisha (water pipe) smoking several months ago, it wasn’t for health reasons – even though the habit is pervasive in the densely populated strip of land. Rather, the ban targeted only women – and it is being widely ignored despite the firm grip of the conservative Islamic government.

Dr. Mahmoud Hashem El-Khuzondar, an ear, nose and throat specialist in Gaza City, describes just how common the tobacco-infused water pipe is: “About 70 percent of young adults smoke cigarettes, some of them smoke shisha and most mix between them and other types. So many factors (contribute to) this high rate of smoking – the low income of people, high unemployment, the long Israeli siege…with all this bad news, people smoke to improve their mood and forget what’s happening.”

The harm caused by one “round” of shisha (also called nargila, hubbly bubbly or hookah) is the equivalent of an entire pack of cigarettes.

No statistics are kept of the incidence of smoking-related diseases in Gaza, said a spokesman Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, but Dr. El-Khuzondar say he commonly sees lung tumours that are clearly smoking-related.

However, this epidemic among a society traumatized by years of conflict is not the focus of the ban. Rather, it is the fact that although shisha is a mostly male activity in this conservative Islamic society, it’s a favourite pasttime as well among many women, particularly those from more liberal, upper-income families. In fact, whereas cigarettes are more common among men, shisha is preferred by women.

In a statement issued when the ban was first announced, Ehab Gussain, Hamas Interior Ministry spokesman, said “it is inappropriate for a woman to sit cross-legged and smoke in public. It harms the image of our people.”

Mohammed El-Khuzondar, owner of Al Badia, a popular shisha bar and coffee house in Gaza City, recalls how he was informed of the ban: “A police representative came in and told us that women were banned from smoking shisha in public, and that there would be harsh, punitive procedures if any women were seen smoking. At first, I was surprised by this law, simply because (shisha smoking) is allowed for women in almost all of the Arab countries.”

The penalty for violating the new edict, he was told, was 10,000 shekels – about 2,800 dollars – a lot of money in Gaza, where 80 percent of the people are dependent on food aid. When the edict was first issued in July of 2010, it was applied only to beachside cafes and restaurants, because they are considered more “public.” Two establishments were forcibly closed for a short period. By September, the ban was extended throughout the Gaza Strip.

Moen Abu Al-Kheer, founder of the Palestinian Committee for Restaurants and Tourist Services in Gaza, describes his association’s response when he was informed of the new prohibition: “Our association was opposed to this decision, especially since it was only against women. If men and women were equally banned from smoking shisha, we would possibly have abided by this decision, since it has to do with preserving health and environment.”

Ebaa Rezeq, a third-year university student in English and French, remembers when she first heard the news of the ban: “I was actually on Facebook and everyone was talking about it, and I was like, no, you can’t be serious.”

Hamas has a spotty record when it comes to enforcing its morality bans. A ban on men working in ladies hair salons was never enforced, and a demand that female lawyers cover their hair before they enter courtrooms was quietly rescinded. But Hamas has successfully banned women from riding motorbikes. Last year, the group swooped down on moonshiners, banned foreigners from bringing alcohol into Gaza, and ordered shopkeepers to take down scantily clad mannequins.

Rezeq is not about to stop smoking shisha, however. Like many women in Gaza who smoke shisha, she isn’t fazed by the moral judgments of Hamas – or by the warnings of physicians. “Me and my friends only smoke it socially, not every day, so I don’t think I’m at risk,” she says. “And it’s fun.”

Rezeq is like any young person who lives for the moment and doesn’t take health threats that could be 10 years down the road seriously. However, in Gaza, there is an added dimension. When a random sampling of young adults was asked why they smoke shisha despite the health warnings, they invariably said they it was more likely they would die in one of the frequent invasions by the Israeli army. When death is considered that “mundane”, it just doesn’t seem to be worth it to give up a habit they find relaxing.

Despite the ban, girls are finding a way to continue smoking shisha. Al-Kheer explained that the edict was a verbal pronouncement, not an official law. That left women and restaurant managers some room for their own “interpretation”.

“Yesterday, I was hanging out with some friends and I ordered shisha and the waiter told me that I can’t, that I have specific orders to ban girls from smoking,” recounted Rezeq, who rebels in other ways as well, such as refusing to wear the hijab (head covering). “But then the owner of the place allowed me to smoke. After a while, though, a couple of men from Hamas arrived and he became concerned. He said sorry madam, but just give (the shisha) to us for right now. We don’t want to have trouble with the government. I understood. I appreciated that he was willing to accommodate me at all.”

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By Pam Bailey
GAZA CITY, Jun 2 2010 (IPS)

The dispute between Hamas and Fatah has torn apart the people of Palestine, dividing and distracting them from their common quest for freedom and independence from Israeli military rule.

Salma will join the People's Journey to the US. Credit: Pam Bailey/IPS

The story of Salma Shawa, 13, and Laila Samahadana, 12, is unique in some respects, but also symbolic of the promise for the future. The two girls grew up together in Gaza City, both attending the prestigious American International School (AIS) – the only co-ed, English-language school in the Strip.

AIS students come either from the wealthier families in Gaza or those who are smart enough to earn one of the coveted scholarships. Even the Gaza Strip has its “haves” and “have nots,” although Israel’s iron control over their movement is the great equaliser.

“We’ve known each other since kindergarten,” recalls Laila. “But it was in third grade that we became best friends.” The two girls were inseparable – that is, until the dispute between Fatah and Hamas erupted in 2006, when they were in the sixth grade.

Laila’s father was a high-ranking member of Fatah – putting her squarely in the cross-hairs of the evolving crisis. “I lived the war,” she recalled.

“My family’s home was in Tal El Hawa (a neighbourhood in Gaza City where the forces of Fatah and Hamas squared off). Hamas fighters occupied the building right across from where I lived. They were on the roof of their building and Fatah was on the roof of ours.”

Salma, whose family has remained firmly neutral in the dispute, was terrified for her friend. “(Hamas) burned the building right next to Laila and I was so freaking scared for her,” she says.

Hamas won the battle for control of Gaza, and Laila’s father fled first to the West Bank and then to Egypt. For a year and three months, Laila, her mother and her four brothers and two sisters lived without him, wondering when they could be reunited.

In 2008, they were finally able to join him in Cairo. However, Laila was forced to leave behind about 25 aunts and uncles on her father’s side, 13 on her mother’s side – and Salma.

“In the beginning, I was so happy to escape,” recalls Laila. “I wanted to be with my dad, and Egypt was much safer. But living away from my friends and the rest of my family is hard. One of my uncles is in the hospital now and we can’t be with him.”

But watching from afar Israel’s deadly war on Gaza, launched on Dec. 27, 2008, was even harder. “Hearing about and seeing on TV what was happening was like watching an action movie, but a bad one – because people I knew were dying.”

For Salma, the separation was equally as hard. Laila was the second good friend forced to flee Gaza because of a father’s affiliation with Fatah.

And then, on Jan. 2, 2009 – just days after Israel launched what would be a massive 22-day attack on the densely populated Strip – the school the two girls had once shared was destroyed in the early-morning hours. The building was bombed and the night watchman was killed.

“It was about 3 a.m. when the Israelis bombed our school. My mom got a news bulletin texted to her mobile. At first, I didn’t believe it. I mean, it was just a school, and it even had an international faculty,” recalls Salma. “But then my friends started calling and the story was all over Facebook. Later, I saw it for myself. There was almost nothing left.”

Today, Salma still attends AIS, but in much smaller, cramped quarters and without the American teachers that were part of what made it so diverse and special. And she and Laila have managed to transcend the adult hatred that tore them apart, remaining fast friends via MSN chat and mobile phone.

Despite the near civil war that continues to rage between Fatah and Hamas, they dream of a future in which their people are united behind their common heritage as Palestinians.

“The kids in class still fight over which is better, Hamas or Fatah,” says Salma. “But we are all Palestinians. That’s what’s important. We need leaders who care about more than themselves and money and who has the most power. Improvement starts with ‘I’.”

However, the girls say, Palestine cannot help itself until the playing field is levelled. And right now, the international community – through its almost unqualified support for Israel – is giving it a significant handicap. That will be their message when Salma and Laila join on Jun. 15 ‘The People’s Journey’ – a speaking tour across the United States designed to confront Americans with the often-disastrous consequences of its foreign policy.

Also participating in the tour are two Iraq war veterans, an Iraqi refugee and – via Skype Internet messenger – a youth from Afghanistan. One of their dreams for the tour is to meet President Barack Obama in the White House, to make their plea in person. And while that wish is met with raised eyebrows by adults who have become cynical with experience, it is their unquenchable optimism that makes hope for peace still possible.

Despite the patriarchal society in which they live, both Salma and Laila aspire to be president of the future country of Palestine; they only argue over which of them will win that honour first.

“I want to build Gaza to be the best place in the world,” says Salma. “I want to work as a businesswoman, to make money I can use to help my people, to make Palestine a place everyone will want to visit. I will build homes for the poor, and every single person in Gaza will have work. By doing this, I will win people’s hearts, and I can get elected president of Palestine!”

Excerpt:

By Pam Bailey
GAZA, Apr 13 2010 (IPS)

It was bad enough that Ahmad Asfour was severely maimed by an Israeli drone strike outside his house on Jan. 9, 2009. But, his search for advanced treatment landed the journalism student, now 19, in Israeli prison where he remains.

Samir Asfour with a picture of his son, Ahmed, at a weekly protest in Gaza by families of Israeli prisoners. Credit: Pam Bailey/IPS

Al Mezan has joined the Physicians for Human Rights and the ADALA Centre (which defends the rights of Palestinian Arabs in Israel) to charge Israel with blackmailing Palestinian patients in Gaza, exploiting their need for medical treatment to pressure them into collaborating with its intelligence agencies. 


Ahmad and four teenaged cousins were hit by fragments from a missile fired by an Israeli drone, east of Khan Younis, in the southern region of the Gaza Strip, just 14 days after Israel launched its massive, 22-day assault on the densely populated strip of land wedged between Israel and Egypt. The fragments lodged in his left eye, broke his jaw, shattered his teeth, severely lacerated both hands and right thigh, destroyed his genitals, and damaged his pancreas and intestines. 


His father, Samir, was in Egypt at the time with one of Ahmad’s brothers, who had been injured just eight days before. Due to the siege imposed by Israel since Hamas took control in 2007, medical care in Gaza is often inadequate. Gazans have been unable to repair the 15 (out of 27) hospitals and 43 (of 110) primary healthcare facilities damaged in last year’s Israeli invasion, because of the ban on importation of construction materials.

Treatment in Egypt is not advanced and, according to Abo Rahma, the risk of contracting Hepatitis C is significant. Getting permission to enter Israel is difficult for Palestinians during normal times, and it was impossible during and immediately after the invasion. Even a year later, the UN reports that almost a quarter of the 1,103 patients who had sought permits for treatment in Israel in December 2009 were denied or delayed. As a result, 27 patients died while awaiting referral last year.

Ahmad and his cousins were rushed to the local hospital by his oldest brother, and the medical director sent them immediately to Egypt. Ahmad spent the next eight months there, but little could be done. In fact, because of the damage to his pancreas and the lack of appropriate treatment, he soon developed diabetes.


Doctors caring for Ahmad recommended he travel to Germany. But there was a catch: Ahmad needed a visa, and for that he was required to go to Tel Aviv – an impossibility for Gazans.

Finally, one physician suggested a hospital in Jerusalem, St. Joseph’s. As part of the approval process, Samir took his wheelchair-bound son to the Erez Crossing into Israel on Nov. 23. After waiting four hours, they were turned away, and told to return two days later. When they arrived, they were subjected to a harrowing ordeal.

“Here I am with my injured son, terrified about his health, and we were forced to remove all of our clothes so we could be strip searched. Then they took my son away from me,” recounted Samir through an interpreter. “Ahmad needed insulin every two hours, but I couldn’t give it to him…The next thing I know he is in shackles! They took the medication I had brought for Ahmed and all the money I had collected from charities (about US$2,500) and he was gone.”

It was 20 days, says Samir, before he finally found out what had happened to his son, after he sought help from human rights organizations.

Lawyers from the Al Mezan Center for Human Rights discovered that other young men who had gone before Ahmad to Erez and been interrogated had apparently implicated him, claiming he had been in possession of a gun and an explosive for one of the Gaza-based militias. (Samir claims the “explosive” was actually his son’s insulin vials.)

Ahmad maintained his innocence during his four hours of interrogation at Erez, and as a result, he was transferred to an Israeli prison in Ashkelon. After five consecutive days of further interrogation, Ahmad could take no more and confessed. The charges: ” membership in a terrorist organization, observation of and passing information to the enemy, providing services for a terrorist organization and possession of firearms.”

“He was subjected to practices that we consider torture and ill treatment, mainly in the form of forced stress positions for long hours, such as sitting on a chair with hands cuffed behind,” the Al Mezan legal team said in a response to an inquiry. “Torture is unconscionable at any time, but it is particularly cruel when the victim is already medically vulnerable.”

Samir, who receives information on his son from the attorneys and the Red Cross, said he learned later that his son had been told that his father was in jail as well, and that therefore he must cooperate with the Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security agency. Meanwhile, Physicians for Human Rights learned that Ahmad was being denied all medical treatment except for his insulin, and has been advocating on his behalf. Samir says the latest news he received is that one of his son’s arms may need to be amputated.

Today, Ahmed is still in prison, although he has been transferred to Beersheba. Based on his “confession,” he was offered a plea bargain of 33 months incarceration or a shortened list of charges with sentencing to be determined. He rejected the “bargain” and at a Mar. 24 session, the court set a new hearing for June, to allow the prosecution to call its witnesses – the police who conducted the interrogation.

“Every Palestinian has the right to health, which is enshrined in Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” Al Mezan stated in a March 2009 report. “This right must be provided without any conditions hinged to it, a principle that Israel repeatedly violates. The Shin Bet has on numerous occasions pressured Palestinians in need of external medical treatment to become informants in exchange for permission to leave Gaza.’’

According to Physicians for Human Rights, agents interrogate Gazans who want to enter Israel for medical care about their relatives, neighbors and friends; those who don’t cooperate often don’t get travel clearance. It has received reports from 32 patients in Gaza who say they were denied permission to leave for refusing to cooperate with Israeli questioners at the Erez Crossing by answering questions about the political affiliations of relatives, friends and acquaintances.

Samir has hired an Israeli attorney to plead his son’s case, but so far doesn’t have the money to pay her. He will sell his house, he says, if he has to.

“My son is not guilty!” exclaims Samir in frustration and pain. “If my son was a militant, would I have tried to take him through Erez? He is just a boy who needs treatment, who is being used as part of their game.”

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