Nigerians at a newspaper stand with headlines reflecting the Trump versus Nigeria saga. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Nigeria, Nov 26 2025 (IPS)

Diplomatic relations between Nigeria and the US have continued to sour after US President Donald Trump threatened ‘military’ intervention over what some American lawmakers have called  “Christian genocide” in Africa’s most populous country.

In a series of posts on his social media platform on October 31, Trump accused the Nigerian government of ignoring the killing of Christians by “radical Islamists.” He warned that Washington would suspend all aid to Nigeria and would go into the “disgraced” country “guns-a-blazing” if Abuja failed to respond.

“Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter,” Trump wrote.

He went on to declare Nigeria a “country of particular concern” for alleged violations of religious freedom, instructing the US Department of War to prepare for “possible action” and warning that any strike would be “fast, vicious, and sweet.”

Trump’s remarks follow years of lobbying by American evangelical groups and conservative lawmakers who accuse the Nigerian government of complicity in attacks on Christians in the country.

This is not the first time Trump has accused an African country of genocide. Earlier this year, he claimed that South Africa was committing genocide against white farmers.

Recently, the US stayed away from the G20 summit in South Africa, apparently because of these widely disputed claims that white people are being targeted in the country.

Disputed Narratives

According to an organization that claims to track persecuted Christians, Open Doors International, Nigeria remains one of the world’s most dangerous places to be a Christian, ranking seventh on its 2025 World Watch List of nations where believers face the most persecution.

A report by the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law estimated that jihadist groups killed more than 7,000 Christians and abducted 7,800 others in 2025 alone. The organization asserts that since 2009, they have killed over 125,000 Christians, destroyed 19,000 churches, and displaced more than 1,100 communities.

Open Doors’ data suggests that Christians in northern Nigeria are 6.5 times more likely to be killed and five times more likely to be abducted than Muslims.

However, the Nigerian authorities have rejected claims of a state-sponsored Christian genocide, insisting that both Christians and Muslims suffer from extremist violence.

Analysts caution that portraying Nigeria’s insecurity as purely religious oversimplifies a crisis rooted in political and economic failure.

With its 230 million citizens divided almost evenly between Christians and Muslims, the country faces multiple overlapping threats, from Boko Haram’s Islamist insurgency and farmer-herder conflicts to ethnic rivalries and separatist agitations in the southeast.

While Christians are among those targeted, researchers note that many victims of armed groups are Muslims living in Nigeria’s predominantly Muslim north, where most attacks are not driven solely by religion.

Data from the US-based Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) show that between January 2020 and September 2025, 20,409 civilians were killed in 11,862 attacks across Nigeria. Of these, only 385 incidents were explicitly linked to victims’ Christian identity, resulting in 317 deaths, while 196 attacks targeted Muslims, leaving 417 dead.

“Trump’s comment has certainly drawn global attention to the problem of insecurity in Nigeria, but it also raises questions about foreign influence and national sovereignty,” said Oludare Ogunlana, Professor of National Security at Collin College in Texas. “What I’ve observed is that many who present themselves as experts on African or global security often lack a nuanced understanding of Nigeria’s realities.”

He described Trump’s claims as misguided, stressing that Nigeria’s insecurity is multifaceted and should not be given a religious coloring.

“If you examine the situation closely, it is not a religious war. It reflects systemic governance failures, economic inequality, and weak law enforcement,” he said. “Citizens of all faiths—Christians, Muslims, atheists, and traditional believers—have suffered from kidnapping, organized crime, and other forms of violence. These criminal activities emerge from disparities in wealth and control over resources, resulting in loss of life across communities.”

Religious Tensions

Trump’s remarks have already inflamed tensions at home and analysts have cautioned that framing Nigeria’s insecurity as a religious conflict risks deepening divisions.

Several Muslim groups have condemned Trump’s comments as an attack on Islam and an attempt to demonize Nigeria’s Muslim population. They argue that Trump, who has long enjoyed support from evangelical Christians, is ill-suited to address the complexities of Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north.

Days after Trump’s comments, members of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria marched through Kano to protest the threat of US military action. Chanting “Death to America” and burning the US flag, demonstrators carried placards reading “There is no Christian genocide in Nigeria” and “America wants to control our resources.”

Northern states like Kano have a long history of bloody religious riots, and observers warn that renewed rhetoric could deepen sectarian divides in a region where relations between the two faiths remain fragile.

Christian and non-Muslim groups, on the other hand, maintain that persecution is real. They cite reports noting that more than 300 Nigerians have been killed over alleged blasphemy since 1999, with few perpetrators prosecuted. They call out government officials who support religious extremism and enforce shariah law on non-Muslims.

“It is an honor to be called an Islamic extremist,” wrote Bashir Ahmad, a former aide to ex-President Muhammadu Buhari, in a since-deleted post on X. Ahmad has previously called for the death penalty for blasphemy.

Deborah Eli Yusuf, a peace advocate with Jugaad Foundation for Peace and Nation Building, expressed concern that ongoing arguments could spill into real-world violence, making tensions difficult to contain.

She told IPS that the government should collaborate with stakeholders to maintain peace.

“This is an opportunity for the government to take the lead in facilitating honest interfaith conversations and dialogues that can lead to mutually agreeable resolutions. The government is best positioned to organize discussions that bring together critical stakeholders, including both religious and traditional leaders.

“Many of these conflicts also intersect with ethnic divisions, which further complicate the situation. The conversations happening now present a chance to address these divides. If left unchecked, rising tensions could deepen fragmentation in a country already divided along tribal, ethnic, and class lines,” she said.

Abba Yakubu Yusuf, Coordinator of the Reves Africa Foundation, believes that while Nigeria faces various forms of violent conflict orchestrated by multiple armed groups, it is misleading for the government to deny that Christians are being specifically targeted by some for their faith. He argues that acknowledging this reality is the first step toward finding solutions.

“Since as far back as 2009, the killings in southern Kaduna, Plateau, Benue, and parts of Kano states have been largely religiously motivated,” he claimed. “There was a massacre in Plateau state that saw an entire village wiped out with no survivors. In the northeast, while attacks target Muslims, there are exceptions. In southern Borno, for example, a largely Christian population has suffered the most. Overall, I would say there is a genocide occurring in Nigeria, and we should not lie to ourselves.”

Yusuf warned that continued denial by the government of systematic attacks on Christians, without addressing the root causes, could have serious consequences for the country’s economy.

“We need investors to come to our country, but they are hesitant. This creates a climate of fear and threatens economic growth,” he said.

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A drill monkey in an electric enclosure at the ranch. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
BOKI, Nigeria, Oct 2 2025 (IPS)

For the past 23 years, Gabriel Oshie has started his mornings at Drill Ranch in the Afi Mountain Wildlife Sanctuary, Boki, Cross River state, southern Nigeria.

At sunrise, he walks through an electric enclosure at the ranch, giving bananas and other fruits to the over 200 endangered drill monkeys he watches over.

Drill monkeys are among the world’s rarest primates, known for their brightly coloured faces and short tails. They live in large groups led by a dominant male and are found only in parts of Nigeria, southwestern Cameroon and Bioko Island in Equatorial Guinea.

However, their numbers have fallen sharply due to deforestation, hunting and the illegal wildlife trade. The International Union for Conservation of Nature estimates fewer than 4,000 remain in the wild.

“Wildlife is the beauty of nature,” Oshie said, explaining what motivated him to work at the ranch. “When you see the drill monkeys, the forests, and other animals, you can’t help but appreciate their beauty. But it’s sad that people are destroying wildlife despite its importance.”

Gabriel Oshie has been working at the ranch for the past 23 years. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Wildlife Crime

Wildlife crime is the fourth most profitable illegal trade globally, worth billions of dollars each year. Nigeria has become a key hub, with porous borders and weak enforcement enabling traffickers to move ivory, pangolin scales and other endangered species.

Authorities have tried to curb the trade by shutting bushmeat markets and seizing smuggled wildlife. In July, officials announced the country’s largest wildlife-trafficking bust, intercepting more than 1,600 birds bound for Kuwait at Lagos International Airport.

But experts warn these efforts could fail if weak conservation laws, poor enforcement, limited public awareness and the lack of arrests or convictions persist.

“The state of biodiversity in Nigeria is in serious crisis,” said Rita Uwaka, Interim Administrator for Environmental Rights Action. “Much of our forested landscape has been depleted due to industrial plantations expansion, leading to significant loss of plant and animal species with devastating impacts on people and climate. We are also seeing concession agreements awarded to large-scale agro-commodities companies contributing to increased biodiversity loss. They arrive with promises of development, but vast forested areas, family farms, and ancestral lands are handed over to them amidst social, environmental, and gender impacts. In the process, they cut down forests that should serve as vital hubs for ecological conservation.

“The biggest drivers of biodiversity loss in Nigeria are in the agro-commodity sector, where large tracts of forest and wildlife sanctuaries are allocated to corporations at the expense of local communities, especially women and vulnerable groups who suffer differentiated impacts when forests and biodiversity are destroyed,” she added.

Preserving the drills

Two American conservationists, Liza Gadsby and Peter Jenkins, founded Drill Ranch in 1991 through their non-profit group Pandrillus. Now home to over 600 drills, it is the world’s most successful breeding project for the species.

En route to Botswana with only a tourist visa, Gadsby and Jenkins arrived in Nigeria where they learned of a gorilla conservation project in Boki. There, they discovered not only gorillas but also drill monkeys, thought before the 1980s to be nearly extinct outside Cameroon.

“Less was known about drills at the time, and they were more endangered than gorillas across Africa. Of course, the local people knew they were there all along, but the international community had only recently rediscovered them. So, we became quite interested in them,” Gadsby explained to IPS.

For over three years, their tourist journey took a different turn as they travelled across southeastern Nigeria and southwestern Cameroon, gathering information and persuading locals to surrender captive drills.

They established a sanctuary in Calabar, the capital of Cross River state, later expanding it into a natural habitat in Boki. They worked closely with 18 Boki communities, each contributing rangers who were often former hunters, to patrol the forests and deter poaching. Their efforts paid off, with locals surrendering as many as 90 drills to the project.

Today, the ranch houses both captive-bred and wild-born drills, each with a name and tattoo number. Alongside the drills, it cares for 27 chimpanzees, a soft-shell turtle and 29 African grey parrots seized from traffickers in 2021. In 2024, 25 parrots were released back into the wild.

The presence of Pandrillus in Boki, one of Nigeria’s largest green canopies, helped drive conservation gains in the area. In 2000, after a decade of lobbying, part of the forest reserve, where the ranch is located, was declared a wildlife Sanctuary by the government.

“We had been lobbying for over ten years, proposing that a portion of the forest reserve be upgraded to wildlife sanctuary status,” Gadsby said.

Bleak Future?

Rehabilitating drills into the wild is the main goal of the project, but rapid deforestation in Boki and Cross River is making this increasingly difficult, said ranch manager Zach Schwenneker.

With the thriving cocoa trade in the region, many people turn to farming for a living, often cutting down forests, including protected areas, for cultivation and exposing drills and other animals in the ranch to poachers.

Government support is also dwindling. Pandrillus once received monthly subventions to care for the animals, but the suspension of this funding has hindered conservation efforts. Today, the ranch relies largely on international aid and individual donations.

Uwaka told IPS that Nigeria’s National Biodiversity Strategic Action Plan would have effectively addressed these issues, but she argues that “The problem lies in enforcement. While the laws look impressive on paper, they are often ineffective in practice due to weak monitoring systems. Even where such systems exist, they are insufficient to ensure compliance. Policies should be put in place not to encourage poaching, and there should be strong regulatory frameworks to curb deforestation.”

For Oshie at the ranch, the project can only succeed if people value wildlife and biodiversity and no longer feel the need to hunt drills.

“But I’m here because I want to protect nature. If we are not here, logging activities could take over, destroying the trees and harming the animals,” he said.

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Celebrating the opening of this brightly coloured charging station made using recycled plastic tiles. Stanley Anigbogu projects bring vibrant solutions to underserved communities. Credit: LightEd

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Jun 30 2025 (IPS)

When Stanley Anigbogu heard his name announced as the 2025 Commonwealth Young Person of the Year in London earlier in March, he could hardly believe it. He had not expected to win, especially among a pool of brilliant nominees from across the globe.

The 25-year-old Nigerian energy innovator was recognised for transforming waste into solar-powered innovations that deliver clean energy to over 10,000 refugees in Africa. Anigbogu is the co-founder of LightEd, a company that turns plastic waste into solar-powered charging stations. These stations supply electricity to communities with little or no access to power. LightEd works in hard-to-reach areas and serves people in different parts of Nigeria, including thousands of displaced persons.

“I really was not expecting to win the award,” he said. “When my name was called, I was shocked. It took me a moment to believe it. I was really grateful because it was an amazing accomplishment. Just representing Africa, being the best from Africa out of 56 countries. I knew the work we were doing was important, but the other finalists were doing amazing things as well. I was grateful that my work was spotlighted because it gives the work that I do a different level of recognition. It is a very big accomplishment.”

For Anigbogu, the award is not just a personal achievement. He sees it as a moment of pride for Nigeria and for young people across the continent.

“This award gives me hope,” he said. “It shows that people see our work and that it matters.”

Stanley Anigbogu, 2025 Commonwealth Young Person of the Year. Credit: LightEd

The Youth Awards for Excellence in Development Work, known as the Commonwealth Youth Awards, is a flagship project of the Commonwealth Secretariat, which has supported youth development for over 50 years. The Secretariat’s Head of Social Policy Development, Layne Robinson, underscored the importance of highlighting the work of young leaders like Anigbogu and empowering them to do more.

He said, “These awards enable us to learn more about the work being done by young people across the Commonwealth and offer us an opportunity to support them tangibly.  By amplifying their work, the awards help them become beacons to others and contribute to building the next generation of leaders.”

In pursuit of the waste-to-energy approach, Stanley Anigbogu’s project has repurposed more than 5 tonnes of plastic waste. Reducing harm to the environment is central to his innovations. Credit: LightEd

Lighting Up Communities

Anigbogu grew up in Onitsha, a bustling town in southeastern Nigeria. Like many homes in the country, his family did not have reliable electricity. Power cuts were frequent. Sometimes, they had electricity for only a few hours in an entire week. He often had to study using candles or kerosene lamps.

These struggles sparked his curiosity about how electricity worked. He became interested in finding solutions to the challenges around him. At the age of 15, he began building small inventions. He created robots and rockets using scraps and second-hand electronic components. He built simple tools to help with tasks at home and even started a science club in school.

Stanley Anigbogu stands inside a work in progress. Credit: LightEd

After secondary school, Anigbogu moved to Morocco for university. While there, he founded a start-up which aimed to turn orange peels into energy. The project failed, but it taught him valuable lessons.

“I made a lot of mistakes because I did not understand business well,” he said. “But I learnt a lot from it.”

During the COVID-19 lockdown in 2020, Anigbogu returned to Nigeria. He wanted to create something useful that could help poor communities. That’s how LightEd started. His innovation is helping to address Nigeria’s electricity problem. According to the World Bank, 85 million Nigerians do not have access to electricity from the national grid. This means about 43 percent of the population lives without regular power, making Nigeria the country with the highest number of people without electricity.

Stanley Anigbogu’s projects work towards providing electricity to underserved people; the community is at the heart of the decisions on where to place the solar-powered charging stations. Credit: LightEd

One of LightEd’s flagship projects is the construction of charging stations made from plastic and recycled waste, fitted with solar panels. People use them to charge phones, lamps, and small devices. In many of these areas, it is the only source of electricity available.

LightEd has trained over 6,000 students and recycled more than 20,000 kilograms of plastic. The company has also raised over 500,000 dollars from donors and partners to expand its work.

“Our goal is to make clean energy available to everyone,” said Anigbogu, who added that the company works closely with communities to create solutions tailored to their needs.

Stanley Anigbogu finds light in waste. Credit: LightEd

“The solutions we provide are community-led. Each community has different needs. We begin by asking questions like: where should the station be built? What is their energy need? What does the community require? We also add artwork to the stations, designed to reflect what the community feels the station represents. When we work with an artist, we hold a workshop and collect input from the people. We also work with them to decide how the station will be managed. Once it is built, we hand it over to the community.”

Helping Displaced People

Anigbogu’s interest in helping displaced people began while he was in Morocco. He joined a volunteer group that visited families living in the Atlas Mountains. Many had been displaced and lacked access to electricity and clean water.

LightEd has set up solar charging stations in two big camps for displaced people in Nigeria. They also provided solar lights and lamps, making it easier and safer for people to move around at night, especially women and children.

“I want kids in refugee camps to be able to study at night. Before, everywhere used to be dark, and when you put in streetlights, it lights up the surroundings and creates a sense of safety and also supports their mental health. I think when you’re living in a dark environment and you’re already in an inhospitable situation, having proper lighting helps give you a sense of security. That contributes to an overall stronger feeling of safety. Aside from that, it also helps reduce costs, such as the money spent on things like kerosene or candles, because all you need to do is go and charge your lamp or other device. It also reduces the negative health effects from the smoke and fumes people inhale when using traditional lighting solutions,” Anigbogu said.

Looking Ahead

Anigbogu’s journey has not been without challenges. In the early days, one of the biggest obstacles was the lack of clear guidance on how to start an organisation in Nigeria, including navigating registration, documentation, and taxes. Today, his main challenge is scaling. While funding is important, Anigbogu says the harder task is finding the right strategies and structures to expand into new regions and countries.

Stanley Anigbogu hopes to use access to energy to bring people of different faiths together, helping them resolve the many conflicts in the region. Credit: LightEd

But for Anigbogu, none of this is a reason to give up. He is now working on building charging stations that also double as spaces for peace dialogue.

“I am working with the Commonwealth Peace Prize winners, who are also Nigerians. We are discussing building a charging station that can serve as a space for intergenerational and interreligious dialogue. In Nigeria, where there are many religious conflicts, I believe it is a good idea to use access to energy as a way to bring people of different faiths together to talk and understand each other,” he said.

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Greenpeace Africa has brought together over 40 Nigerian civil society groups to launch the Climate Justice Movement. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, May 29 2025 (IPS)

Greenpeace Africa earlier in May brought together over 40 Nigerian civil society groups in Abuja to launch the Climate Justice Movement, the first of its kind in the country. The goal is to unite various climate efforts nationwide and address the severe impacts of climate change on Nigeria and the African continent.

The Climate Justice Movement in Nigeria is part of Greenpeace Africa’s broader effort to build new partnerships and strengthen collective action across the continent.  Similar launches have taken place in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon, and Ghana. The movement promotes collaboration among grassroots groups, advocating for sustainable solutions and environmental justice across the region.

At the end of the two-day event, the groups signed the Polluters Pay Pact, calling on oil and gas companies to take responsibility for the environmental harm they have caused. A joint declaration followed, reaffirming their commitment to holding polluters accountable and ensuring Africa’s voice is heard in global climate negotiations.

“Africa’s contribution to the climate crisis, in terms of pollution, is so minimal that it’s almost negligible. Yet, our communities are among the hardest hit. While developed nations were industrializing, they polluted the environment and left us behind. Now, they are even resisting efforts to support other communities as we work to adapt and reduce the impact of climate change for the sake of our well-being and livelihoods,” said Murtala Touray, Programme Director at Greenpeace Africa.

Speaking on the importance of the movement in Nigeria, he added, “The destruction we are witnessing today demands action. We must rise to protect our planet, safeguard the livelihoods and dignity of our communities, and leave the world better for future generations. The launch of the Climate Justice Movement in Nigeria is not just a one-time event; it marks the beginning of a long journey.”

The Curse of Oil in Nigeria

Friday Nbani, a resident of the oil-rich Niger Delta, has witnessed many oil spills. For him, oil, once seen as a blessing, has become a source of pain and destruction.

The Niger Delta is considered one of the most polluted regions in the world. Decades of unchecked oil extraction have led to oil spills, gas flaring, and the release of toxic chemicals. These have poisoned the land and water, destroying livelihoods and the environment. Despite the huge wealth generated from oil, the region remains poor, with polluted rivers and the loss of important mangrove forests.

Only recently, on May 5, 2025, a fresh oil spill occurred in the Ikata community, Rivers State, in the Niger Delta. It happened along a 14-inch pipeline operated by Renaissance Africa Energy Company Ltd. (RAEC). This company had recently bought Shell’s Nigerian assets in a $2.4 billion deal.

Now, RAEC is facing a lawsuit. The Bodo community in Gokana Local Government Area is taking the company to court. They say the cleanup of two major oil spills from 2008, caused by pipelines operated by Shell, is still not properly done. Those spills reportedly released over 600,000 barrels of oil into their waters and damaged large areas of mangrove forests. Experts say it was one of the worst oil spills in the world, with about 40 million litres of oil spilled every year across the Niger Delta.

Shell, a British oil company that first pumped oil in the Niger Delta in 1956, is considered a notorious oil polluters in Nigeria. It has been accused of damaging the Niger Delta for many years. Now, critics say it is trying to escape responsibility by selling off its assets.

Sherelee Odayar, Oil and Gas Campaigner at Greenpeace Africa, spoke out against this.

“For decades, oil giants like Shell have extracted billions in profits from Nigerian soil while leaving behind devastated ecosystems and broken communities. Recent media investigations exposing Shell’s negligence in the Niger Delta are an example of the toxicity and selfish, unempathetic profiteering communities have endured for generations. Through this declaration, we’re sending a clear message: the era of unchecked pollution and corporate impunity is over. It’s time for polluters to pay,” she said.

Nbani, who leads the Lekeh Development Foundation, a grassroots-based advocacy organization, and supports the Polluters Pay Pact, believes the Climate Justice Movement can help communities get justice.

“The spills have affected our health, farming, and fishing. Even our homes are not safe,” he told IPS. “People are speaking up because they are suffering. Only those who live here truly understand. But the government still talks about producing more oil. We feel forgotten. How much longer can we live like this?”

A People-Powered Movement

“I believe the solution is people power. People need to realize the power they have. Movements like the Climate Justice Movement are important because they help people understand their right to control their resources. If you own something, you should have control over it,” Nbani said.

He is excited that the movement is being led by grassroots communities, activists, and civil society groups directly affected by the climate crisis. He added that it allows those most impacted to organize, push for environmental justice, and demand accountability from polluters.

Cynthia Moyo, Climate and Energy Campaign Lead at Greenpeace Africa, said launching a people-powered Climate Justice Movement in Nigeria is essential given the country’s significant role in the climate crisis.

“Nigeria’s climate and energy future depends heavily on political will, regional cooperation, and meaningful investment in clean energy. The choices we make in this decade will determine whether we become a climate-resilient continent with a stable economy or remain trapped in the risks and instability of fossil fuel dependence. It is essential that we begin a just transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy,” she told IPS.

While the Climate Justice Movement is people-powered, Tolulope Gbenro, a social impact consultant, emphasized the importance of youth involvement.

“Climate change affects everyone, and the justice movement fights for both the present and the future. Young people are not just leaders of tomorrow but also of today. If they’re not involved in decisions that affect the climate, their future and the planet’s will be at risk,” she said.

Hope in the Dark

Dandyson Harry Dandyson, a human rights advocate and resident of the Niger Delta, wants the government to impose taxes on oil polluters to hold them accountable for the damage they have caused. He advocates for leaving oil in the soil and focusing on sustainable solutions such as renewable energy. For him, the Climate Justice Movement represents hope in the dark, as it aims to empower communities to halt oil production and promote eco-friendly energy alternatives.

“Putting pressure on oil polluters to take financial responsibility for environmental damage will be effective. One of the major concerns we have here in Nigeria is the government’s lackadaisical attitude toward implementing policies and treaties they sign. When governments fail to take action, we continue to face these issues. However, with the Climate Justice Movement, as we begin pressuring and shaming polluters, especially the International Oil Companies, government ministries, and parastatals complicit in these practices, I believe things will change. Naming and shaming these entities will help bring the necessary attention to these environmental crimes,” he noted.

At the end of the event, participants presented their next line of action, which they would undertake in their communities immediately. These included an intense campaign for the cleanup of the Niger Delta, holding town hall meetings to help community members understand their rights, and an accountability campaign for the utilization of funds to combat desertification, gully erosion, and ocean surges.

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High-rise buildings under construction in Lagos, Nigeria. Most accommodation is unaffordable for young Nigerians. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, May 15 2025 (IPS)

After graduating in 2019, Jeremiah Achimugu left Sokoto State in northwestern Nigeria for Abuja, the nation’s capital, in search of better opportunities. But life in the city brought unexpected challenges, especially the high cost of housing.

At first, Achimugu stayed with his uncle and worked as a marketer, earning 120,000 naira (USD 73) a month. However, his salary barely covered his basic needs.

“The cost of living in Nigeria’s rapidly developing capital soon ate deep into my salary,” he said. “By the end of the month, I was always broke. Transportation, food, and other expenses were just too much.”

When he began searching for a place of his own, he was shocked by the prices. Even a small one-room apartment in a remote area costs about 500,000 naira (USD 307) a year.

“There was no way I could afford that kind of rent even though the apartment was nothing to write home about,” he said.

Few months later, Achimugu resigned from his job and returned to Sokoto. His dream of building a life in the city was cut short by the soaring cost of living.

“The cost of living and rent in Nigerian cities is too high for young people,” he said. “But these are the places where the opportunities are. Some landlords are taking advantage of young people coming into the cities by raising the rent.”

A Continental Rental Crisis

Achimugu’s experience reflects a larger problem faced by young people across Nigeria. About 63 percent of the country’s population is under the age of 24, and cities are growing rapidly. The United Nations has warned that Nigeria’s urban population is increasing almost twice as fast as the national average. However, housing hasn’t kept up with this growth. As a result, the few available homes are now overpriced. The World Bank estimates the country has a housing shortage of over 17 million homes.

In major cities like Lagos, Abuja, and Port Harcourt, rent prices can range from around 400,000 naira (USD 246) to as much as 25 million naira (USD 16,000) per annum, depending on the location and kind of apartment.

With a monthly minimum wage of 70,000 naira (USD 43), which is often unpaid or delayed, and high unemployment, many young people cannot afford decent housing. This makes it harder for them to settle down, build strong social connections, or feel financially secure.

Nigeria is not alone. Across Africa, young people are being priced out of the rental market. Rapid urbanization, population growth, and economic hardship have made affordable housing a growing concern. In interviews with young people in Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Nigeria, IPS confirmed that the same challenges exist across the continent.

Formal housing remains beyond the reach of most Africans, with only the top 5 to 10 percent of the population able to afford it. The majority are left to live in informal settlements, many of which lack essential services such as clean water, electricity, and proper sanitation. Experts have warned that without increased investment in affordable housing, a growing number of young people will struggle to find a place to live.

Kwantami Kwame in Kumasi, Ghana, blames capitalism and the greed of real estate owners for the high cost of rent. He told IPS that the rush for quick profits in the cities is affecting the welfare of young people, most of whom are low-income earners.

“A few weeks ago, I was looking for a one-bedroom apartment in Accra, the capital of Ghana, and I was asked to pay an upfront two-year rent fee of 38,275 Ghanaian Cedis (USD 2,500). The apartment wasn’t even up to standard. The fee didn’t cover water, electricity, or waste bills. It’s really unfair,” said Kwame, who noted that in a country where the monthly minimum wage is just 539.19 Ghanaian cedis (USD 45), there should be provisions for young people to access affordable housing in cities where opportunities exist.

Kwame believes governments should regulate rents and check the excesses of landlords. But Olaitan Olaoye, a Lagos-based real estate expert, sees it differently. He points to limited land availability as a major factor driving up rent and argues that price controls won’t solve the problem.

“Governments in Africa shouldn’t be setting rent prices when they’re not doing enough to tackle inflation, which keeps pushing up the cost of building materials,” he said.

“For instance, in a country like Nigeria, the removal of the fuel subsidy caused prices to skyrocket. This had a ripple effect on everything else, including construction. It led to an increase in the cost of building materials. The government then has no moral right to instruct landlords to reduce their rent,” Olaoye argued.

While he does not excuse the greed of some landlords and estate developers, Olaoye worries that if young people already struggle to rent homes, the dream of owning one may become increasingly unrealistic.

“In the past, it was easier for people to build homes. Prices of building materials were affordable and life was more stable. Back then, when people finished school and got a job, they could start saving right away. They could afford to buy a car, build a house, and live comfortably. But things have changed,” he said.

Inadequate Social Housing Programs

Olaoye’s concerns are echoed by Phoebe Atieno Ochieng in Nairobi, the capital of Kenya. After securing a teaching job in the capital, she left her family home in the countryside of Busia. However, with a monthly salary of only 18,000 Kenya Shillings (USD 140), renting a place in the city was out of her reach.

“I had no choice but to live in a small space provided by the school management within the school premises,” she told IPS. “The houses here are not affordable. A basic one-bedroom apartment costs 120,000 Kenyan shillings per month. I can’t balance my income because I still have to pay taxes, buy food, and take care of other daily needs. Unless I get a better-paying job, I can’t manage.”

Ochieng criticizes the Kenyan government for its failure to provide adequate social housing and ensure access to affordable mortgages.

While the Kenyan government has launched a social housing scheme like the Affordable Housing Programme to help low- and middle-income earners secure decent homes, the initiative has faced growing criticism. Many argue that the houses being built are still unaffordable, and there are widespread concerns about the potential mismanagement of the scheme. Also, the introduction of a mandatory housing tax has sparked outrage, with many questioning why they are being compelled to fund homes they may never qualify for or benefit from.

Similarly, the Nigerian government has made several attempts to address the housing crisis through various national housing programs designed to provide affordable homes in cities. However, these programs have often failed due to poor implementation, inadequate funding, and corruption. Many housing projects have been abandoned, leaving the promise of affordable housing unfulfilled for the majority of Nigerians.

South Africa’s housing crisis is worsening due to rapid urbanization, economic challenges, and the legacy of apartheid. Cities like Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Durban are seeing an increasing number of people move from rural areas in search of better job opportunities, putting pressure on housing infrastructure.

During apartheid, many Black South Africans were confined to overcrowded townships on the outskirts of cities, areas that still lack proper infrastructure and services. As young people flock to cities for better prospects, they face the challenge of unaffordable rent, which, according to Ntando Mji, a receptionist in Cape Town, is limiting their potential.

Although the government has attempted to provide subsidized housing for those with a limited income, the scale of the problem is overwhelming, and millions are still waiting for homes. “In Cape Town, getting a house is so difficult. The agents require a three-month rent deposit, and they scrutinize your income, but even getting approved for a space is really hard,” Mji lamented.

“Because it is mainly commercial entities that build houses, they are so expensive. This is why the South African government should intervene by providing accommodation at lower prices and engaging the private sector in building lower-cost housing in safer areas,” said Bhufura Majola, who told IPS that he waited a year before he could even get a small apartment in a student area far from where he works.

He added, “The high cost of rental prices in South Africa is a big deterrent to young professionals in particular because it takes away their choices of where to stay, especially near places where employment is guaranteed. This has forced many to abandon their dreams.”

Peace Abiola, who lives in Ibadan, Southwest Nigeria, spent all her savings—600,000 naira (USD 369)—on an apartment last year. She works as a freelance content creator for brands, earning an irregular income. Now, with her rent due, she is considering returning to her village because she can no longer afford to keep up.

“I think one solution to this problem is the proper implementation of laws to control the irregular hike in rental prices,” she said, echoing the frustration of many Nigerians who have started protesting and calling on the government to act.

The Nigerian government has repeatedly promised to enforce policies that protect tenants, but none of those pledges have materialized.

“Here, we are just focused on survival or how to pay the next rent or how to get the next meal. This is not how life should be,” Abiola said.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.
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Angie Epilepsy Foundation advocates against epilepsy stigma in Benin City, Nigeria. Courtesy: Angie Epilepsy Foundation

By Promise Eze
BENIN, Nigeria, Mar 19 2025 (IPS)

When Angela Asemota’s son began having seizures at six years old in 1996, people gossiped that he was possessed by evil spirits, leading her to seek healing from native healers and religious clerics. He underwent several traditional rituals and drank various concoctions, but the seizures persisted. It was not until his fourth year in secondary school in 2004 that she took him to a hospital, where he was diagnosed with epilepsy and began taking medication.

“For many years, I was going from pillar to post. I was ignorant about epilepsy and didn’t know it was a medical condition. The native healers and religious houses said my son was cursed. I believed the seizures were caused by witches, wizards, or demonic forces because of false beliefs and misconceptions,” Asemota, who lives in Benin City, Nigeria, told Inter Press Service.

Epilepsy is a brain disorder that affects about 50 million people worldwide, with nearly 80 percent living in low- and middle-income countries where treatment is difficult to access. In Nigeria, around 1.7 million people have the condition, based on a prevalence of 8 cases per 1,000 people.

The disorder causes repeated seizures due to abnormal brain activity. While there is no cure, medication can help control it. However, in many African communities, epilepsy is often linked to witchcraft or demonic possession, leading people to seek prayers or traditional healers instead of medical treatment. This stigma limits access to healthcare, leaving over 75% of epilepsy patients in Africa without proper medical care.

EAARF conducting an outreach to teach young students about epilepsy. Courtesy: EAARF

People with epilepsy in Africa often face discrimination and rejection. Many children with the condition are denied access to schools, while adults struggle to find jobs because employers fear they may have seizures at work. Even within families, some epilepsy patients are isolated or treated unfairly, which can lead to depression, anxiety, low self-esteem and in extreme cases, suicide.

The Curse of Stigma

“The stigma around epilepsy is worse than epilepsy itself. You are stigmatized by your family, relatives, in-laws, and friends because people don’t even believe it’s a medical condition. People call it a strange disease. Those who want to see you will look at you from afar, as if you are carrying epilepsy in your hands,” said Asemota, who now runs a non-profit, Angie Epilepsy Foundation, to battle epilepsy stigma and provide support for people living with the condition.

After seeing that epilepsy can be managed with medication, she has been raising awareness and advocates for early diagnosis and treatment since 2010. Her organisation fights for patients’ rights, empowers communities, trains healthcare workers, and runs awareness campaigns through schools, churches, radio, and social media. They also provide medical and material support for people living with epilepsy.

Nicholas Aderinto, a medical doctor, believes that campaigns against epilepsy stigma are very important as they encourage people to seek healthcare. Without treatment, he argued, epilepsy-related seizures could lead to death.

“I believe the prevalence of epilepsy in Africa is underreported because many people do not seek medical care due to social stigma. This underreporting affects the accuracy of prevalence data, which in turn leads to inadequate attention from policymakers and limited funding. As a result, epilepsy is not prioritized in policymaking, financing, and research,” he said, adding, “This Lack of focus means fewer studies are conducted, medications remain scarce, and people living with epilepsy do not receive the proper care they need.”

Gender-based Violence

For Elsie Chick, a teacher in Douala, Cameroon, epilepsy stigma cost her relationship. Her partner abandoned her eight years ago after discovering she had epilepsy. In the Central African country, the high prevalence of epilepsy has become a national health concern.

“I never told him I had epilepsy until I was pregnant. Most of the time, I was scared of what people would think, so I kept it from him. He has never called once to ask about the baby. His mother doesn’t want him to take the child because, according to her, the baby might also develop epilepsy,” she said.

She added, “Many times, I have cried. There were moments I wished I could wake up one day and be free from epilepsy. I wished I could sleep at night and hear God tell me, ‘My daughter, you are healed.”’

Dr Mundih Noelar, the founder of Epilepsy Awareness, Aid and Research Foundation (EAARF), a non-profit organisation based in Bamenda, Cameroon, is worried that epilepsy stigma only helps to reinforce gender-based violence against women in Africa. She said myths surrounding epilepsy contribute to the victimisation of women.

Young EAARF activist with her epilepsy campaign message. Courtesy: EAARF

“Women with epilepsy are not valued and face a higher risk of gender-based violence. Many believe the women will pass the condition to their spouses and children. They are also vulnerable to sexual violence, yet even the police are often unwilling to seek justice for them. People rarely consider them for marriage, and those who do get married often endure abuse. I have received countless cases. One woman in a village was mocked by her husband whenever she had seizures. Another was thrown out of her home. One woman I know was regularly beaten by her husband. Many of these women remain in toxic marriages because they fear no one will love or accept them if they leave,” she told Inter Press Service.

Through her initiative, Noelar leads a network of epilepsy survivors—mostly women—whom EAARF calls “epilepsy warriors.” These survivors visit communities and use mass media, including radio and social media, to share their stories, urging people to see epilepsy as a medical condition rather than a reason for stigma.

This community of women serves as a family for people like Chick, who says she is energized when she knows she can always talk to other women facing the same challenges.

“There are others around me who are struggling just like I am—people who are survivors yet still facing challenges. Knowing this gives me joy and a sense of peace, reminding me that I am not alone,” she said.

“We empower women with epilepsy, even in rural communities, on how to address gender-based violence,” Noelar said, emphasizing the importance of raising awareness at all levels of society.

“Even policymakers need to understand what epilepsy is. Many of them still hold onto myths and misconceptions, and because of this, they may never consider policies that support people with epilepsy.”

Addressing Epilepsy

A decade ago, at the 68th UN World Health Assembly, 194 countries, including African nations, committed to strengthening efforts to address epilepsy. The pledge raised hopes for support for those living with the condition. However, critics argue that government action of many African governments remains insufficient, forcing individuals and families affected by epilepsy to depend largely on charities and non-governmental organizations for help.

Action Amos, Regional Programs Coordinator for the International Bureau of Epilepsy, attributes this shortfall to the lack of a structured framework guiding the adoption of a comprehensive and sustainable approach to epilepsy care.

However, he stated, “Since May 2022, the Intersectoral Global Action Plan on Epilepsy and other Neurological Disorders has provided a blueprint to help governments develop plans, protocols, and strategies to place epilepsy on the health agenda. It addresses key issues such as the treatment gap, stigma, and policies, offering a comprehensive approach to tackling the condition.”

Amos emphasized the importance of engaging traditional and religious leaders, who are deeply embedded within local communities and often serve as the first point of contact for those seeking help. He stressed the need to help them understand that epilepsy is a health condition, not a spiritual problem.

“Bridging the gap between traditional healers and medical professionals is essential to ensuring that people with epilepsy receive the best possible care. Traditional and faith healers need to be educated and trained on epilepsy and its causes so they can recognize when to refer patients for medical care,” he said.

Asemota worries that with limited access to medication and inadequate healthcare facilities, epilepsy patients will continue to be isolated. She argues that, as is obtainable in many African countries, the Nigerian government is not providing enough support to people living with epilepsy, especially in terms of subsidizing the cost of medications.

Angie Epilepsy Foundation rallies against epilepsy stigma in Nigeria. Courtesy: Angie Epilepsy Foundation

“A lot of people are no longer buying medication because they cannot afford it anymore. This drives them back to native healers. When you are in dire need, you are vulnerable. You go back to the native healers for help, which is dangerous. Medication is now expensive. Epilepsy has become a condition only the rich can manage,” she said.

But it is not just hard to get medicine, there are also very few neurologists in Africa. This problem is worsened by the many health workers leaving the continent for better opportunities abroad. Without trained neurologists to diagnose patients, prescribe the right treatment, and provide ongoing care, many people with epilepsy face serious risks to their health and lives.

“Governments should invest in training healthcare workers and improving healthcare infrastructure, including increasing the number of neurologists. In most countries, epilepsy is treated by psychiatrists or specialists, so they also need proper support. It is also crucial to integrate epilepsy care into primary healthcare. When discussing primary healthcare, we should not forget community healthcare workers, who should also receive proper training,” argued Amos.

Chick does not believe epilepsy stigma will decrease anytime soon, as many African communities still hold myths in high regard.

“But I believe that if we work hard on advocacy, some people will come to understand that epilepsy is not a curse,” she told Inter Press Service.

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Children beg for food in Gusau, the capital of Zamfara, Nigeria. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Jan 29 2025 (IPS)

In June 2024, 26-year-old Zainab Abdul noticed her two-year-old daughter growing pale, losing weight, and battling diarrhea. She wasn’t surprised. Since jihadist-linked bandits had forced them out of their village in Kadadaba, Zamfara State, in northwestern Nigeria, her family had been living in a refugee camp with limited access to food.

Abdul’s fears were confirmed at a center run by Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), where she was told her baby was suffering from acute malnutrition.

“I received ready-to-use therapeutic food (RUTF), and it helped her a lot. She felt relief as they gave her injections, medicine and milk. As you can see, she’s now recovering gradually, unlike before,” Abdul told IPS.

While Abdul’s baby survived malnutrition, many others are not as fortunate. Nigeria is grappling with a severe malnutrition crisis, particularly in the northern region, where poverty, food insecurity, inadequate healthcare, and soaring living costs are widespread. The country has one of the world’s highest rates of stunted growth among children, with 32 percent of those under five affected.

According to UNICEF, malnutrition impacts 2 million children in Nigeria, primarily in the north, and results in the deaths of approximately 2,400 children under five every day.

Shrouded in Violence

Experts say insecurity is a major cause of malnutrition in northern Nigeria. In the northwest, armed groups drive farmers off their land, shut down markets, and extort communities. This violence has forced over 2.2 million people to flee, with many now living in overcrowded camps with few resources.

Zainab Abdul and her two-year-old daughter at a refugee camp in Zamfara, northwest Nigeria. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

In the northeast, ongoing conflicts disrupt farming and food production. Families returning to their land are afraid to farm far from military towns, leaving them at risk of hunger.

Food shortages are so bad that some families have to eat cassava peels to survive.

“We are suffering greatly. We barely have food to eat and have been unable to farm for over four years because bandits drove us from our communities. We don’t even have proper shelter. As I speak to you now, I haven’t eaten anything. We urgently need support from the government,” said Hannatu Ismail, a resident of a refugee camp in Zamfara.

Aminu Balarabe, a middle-aged doctor at a local clinic in Gusau, the capital of Zamfara, fears that if the problem is not addressed immediately, the outcome could be disastrous. Although the government has launched several military campaigns to eradicate the bandits and encourage people to return to their farms, Balarabe believes more needs to be done.

He lamented that the ongoing insecurity has already crippled healthcare services, making it difficult to diagnose and treat malnutrition effectively in the region.

“The solution is to tackle insecurity. People on the ground are mostly unprotected and left vulnerable. They are constantly in danger. If the government steps in, provides real support, and takes strong action to bring peace to these communities, things can change for the better. To fight this insecurity, the government must act urgently and decisively. It’s heartbreaking that some people cannot live in their towns or villages because of the insecurity. They are forced to live and sleep in camps,” Balarabe said.

Humanitarian Crisis

For years, organizations like the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), UNICEF, and MSF have raised alarms about the worsening malnutrition crisis, emphasizing the urgent need for more humanitarian aid. They have repeatedly called on Nigerian authorities, organizations, and donors to take immediate action to tackle the root causes of the crisis.

In 2024, MSF provided care to more than 294,000 malnourished children in northern Nigeria. The aid organization revealed that overcrowded conditions had left them treating patients on mattresses on the floor due to a lack of space.

By mid-2024, the ICRC reported a 48 percent increase in severe malnutrition cases with complications among children under five in health facilities it supports compared to the previous year.

Reduced funding has made it more difficult for organizations to care for malnourished children. The shortage of therapeutic food has persisted and worsened. Despite the rising cases of acute malnutrition worldwide, the UN’s humanitarian response plan still does not include Nigeria’s northwest region.

Oluwagbemisola Olukogbe, a nutritionist in Lagos, Nigeria, is concerned that malnutrition can severely impact children’s growth, human development, and economic progress, creating a cycle that holds society back.

“Chronic malnutrition and stunted growth in early childhood can lead to poor brain development, learning difficulties, and behavioral issues. This affects education, lowers productivity in adulthood, and increases the risk of the problem being passed to the next generation,” she told IPS.

Failed Solutions

In 2020, the Nigerian government introduced the National Multisectoral Plan of Action for Food and Nutrition, a 2021–2025 initiative aimed at tackling food security and malnutrition, with a focus on boosting food production through agricultural investment. However, Dr. Idris Olabode Badiru, a reader at the University of Ibadan, highlights that government investment in agriculture has been insufficient.

Although agriculture accounts for 24 percent of Nigeria’s GDP and employs more than 30 percent of the entire labour force, funding remains well below the 10 percent target set by the African Union in the 2003 Maputo Declaration.

Badiru says this underinvestment hampers productivity, fails to address the growing food demands of Nigeria’s rapidly increasing population and is unable to tackle food insecurity.

“Even if farmers in crisis areas can’t work their fields, nearby regions can still contribute to food production. These farmers should be supported to increase their output through measures like training programmes delivered by effective agricultural extension services. Unfortunately, many state extension agencies are not functioning well and need improvement to better assist farmers,” Badiru noted.

He added, “It’s also important to provide farmers with the necessary tools and financial support, although previous attempts have been hindered by fraud. To address this, better systems of accountability must be established. Moreover, agriculture shouldn’t be treated in isolation, as it depends on other sectors. Restoring essential infrastructure, such as roads, bridges, storage facilities, and electricity supply, is vital to improving agricultural productivity and addressing long-term challenges.”

The government’s efforts to distribute free grains to vulnerable populations, particularly in conflict-affected and economically struggling areas, have largely fallen short. These initiatives have been undermined by widespread corruption and diversion of resources, preventing aid from reaching those who need it most.

Bleak Future?

Save the Children International has revealed that an additional one million children in Nigeria will be suffering from acute malnutrition by April 2025 if no urgent action is taken.

UNICEF has urged the government to enhance nutrition programmes and reinforce primary healthcare, highlighting that an additional 200,000 children in the northwest will need therapeutic food in 2025.

For Abdul in the refugee camp in Zamfara, government aid is non-negotiable.

“We urgently need the government’s support with food. I can’t bear to think of how much these children have suffered from hunger. Most days, they eat only once in the morning and go without food until the next day or sometimes until late at night. Our children cry from hunger until they’re too exhausted to continue, and it breaks our hearts because we have nothing to give them,” she told IPS.

NOTE: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

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A welcome sign harks back to a more prosperous time. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
AYETORO, Nigeria, Jan 2 2025 (IPS)

In 2021, Ojajuni Olufunsho, a 53-year-old resident of Ayetoro, a town along the Atlantic coast, southwestern Nigeria, saw her home swept away by the encroaching sea. What was once a spacious 10-room house, a sanctuary for Olufunsho and her five children, was swallowed by the relentless force of rising sea waters.

With no place to go, Olufunsho was forced to beg a family living on higher ground to take her family in. A tiny temporary shelter made from wood and aluminium sheets replaced the comforts of her previous home. She now struggles to survive by mending clothes as her once-thriving tailoring business was destroyed by the waters.

“I used to be a big tailor, and I also sold clothes, but the waters carried away everything. My shop was always full,” she said, tears streaming down her face as she recounted her losses.

Ayetoro’s battle with sea level rise dates back to the early 2000s, but its impact has only worsened with time. Local residents claim that nearly 90 percent of the town is now submerged by water.

Ayetoro resident Akinwuwa Omobolanle gestures towards a swampy expanse, a result of recurrent floods. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Ojajuni Oluwale lost two houses to the encroaching waters. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Emmanuel Aralu lost his business to the raging waters and now struggles to feed his family. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Streets, homes, schools, and even cemeteries have been swallowed by the rising tides, displacing thousands of residents. Many have been forced to move several times, seeking higher ground to escape the encroaching waters.

The buildings that once stood as symbols of the community’s resilience now lie as empty shells, victims of the sea.

“Many people have left the town,” said Comrade Omoyele Thompson, Ayetoro’s Public Relations Officer, noting that the population has dwindled from around 30,000 in 2006 to just 5,000 in recent times.

“Properties worth millions of dollars have been destroyed. Hundreds of residential houses, including a maternity centre and factories built through communal efforts, have been ravaged by the sea surge,” he added, highlighting that many residents now live in shanties.

The struggles of Ayetoro are not unique. Coastal communities around the world are facing similar challenges. Rising sea levels, fueled by climate change, are causing significant destruction, and projections suggest that the problem will only worsen.

According to data from the African Centre for Strategic Studies, African coastlines have experienced a consistent rise in sea levels over the past four decades. If this trend continues, sea levels are expected to increase by 0.3 meters by 2030, posing a threat to 117 million people on the continent.

Nigeria, with its vast coastline along the Gulf of Guinea, is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. While desertification threatens the northern parts of the country, the southern coastal areas face the growing menace of rising sea levels.

According to USAID, a 0.5-meter rise in sea levels could force as many as 27 to 53 million Nigerians living along the coast to relocate by the end of the century. Sea rise could have devastating effects on human activities in these regions, including agriculture and fishing, all of which form the backbone of Ayetoro’s economy.

While rising sea levels pose a global threat, many countries are taking proactive measures to address the problem. For instance, about one-third of the Netherlands lies below sea level, and parts of the country have even been reclaimed from the sea. However, observers told IPS that the Nigerian government has shown minimal concern for Ayetoro’s plight. Without urgent intervention, they warn, the town may soon exist only in photographs and history books.

A once-thriving technical school now stands battered and desolate. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The community’s only remaining school, a fragile makeshift structure, has been repeatedly relocated due to relentless sea surges. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Fading Jewel of the Atlantic

Ayetoro, originally founded in 1947 by Christian Apostolic missionaries, was once a beacon of self-sufficiency and progress. The town’s community-focused way of life, based on religious values, fostered a sense of unity that earned it the nickname “The Happy City.”

During the 1960s and 1970s, Ayetoro became known for its development in sectors such as agriculture, industry, and education. The town was home to Nigeria’s first dockyard, which spurred industries like boat building and fishing. In 1953, it became only the second town in Nigeria to have electricity. These advancements made Ayetoro an attractive destination for tourists and settlers alike.

However, the town’s once-beautiful beaches and thriving infrastructure have now become distant memories. Ayetoro, once known for its vibrant economy and cultural significance, now stands as a stark reminder of the destruction wrought by climate change.

Key landmarks such as the market, football pitch, community library, a technical workshop and the community’s first church have been submerged or destroyed by the sea. Even the monarch’s palace, a symbol of the town’s rich cultural heritage, is now surrounded by swampy water.

Disrupted Lives

For many residents of Ayetoro, fishing has long been their primary livelihood. However, rising sea levels have made it increasingly difficult to secure a good catch. The distance to the water has expanded, and fuel costs for longer trips have soared, putting additional strain on their already limited finances.

Additionally, farmland and water sources have been contaminated by saltwater, making agriculture nearly impossible.

Thompson, who has been fighting for the rights of Ayetoro residents, said, “People are living in complete poverty because businesses have been lost.”

In May 2024, he helped organize a peaceful protest, with thousands of residents—including children and the elderly—marching to demand government action. Their placards read “Save Our Souls” and “Save Ayetoro Now,” but despite their efforts, the government has failed to respond.

The town’s only surviving hospital is also in terrible condition and poorly equipped. Qualified healthcare workers have fled the area. In emergencies, residents must transport the sick by boat to hospitals in neighbouring communities. Tragically, many do not survive the journey.

Battered shanties dot Ayetoro. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The ruins of buildings stand as silent witnesses to the relentless sea surge. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Broken Promises

Ayetoro’s calls for help have not gone unanswered in the past, but the response has often been inadequate or marred by corruption.

In 2000, the community wrote numerous letters to the government, pleading for help as the sea incursions worsened. The government didn’t respond till 2004, when it launched the Ayetoro Shore Protection Project through the Niger Delta Development Commission, promising to build a sea embankment to protect the town from further flooding. However, millions of dollars allocated for the project were allegedly siphoned off, and no work was done.

“We read about the intervention in newspapers, but no contractor or equipment ever came to the site,” Thompson said.

In 2009, the project was re-awarded to another company, Dredging Atlantic, but once again, nothing materialized.

Nigeria introduced the Climate Change Act in 2021 with the goal of addressing climate challenges. However, critics argue that, like other policies on paper, it lacks the political will to see the light of day.

Idowu Oyeneyin, the 38-year-old mother of three, is angry that no one has been held accountable for the failed projects. She said politicians only visit the community during election periods to make empty campaign promises.

“The rising coastal sea levels have brought immense hardship to my family. My shop, where I sold provisions to support my children, was completely destroyed by the floods. It wasn’t just a shop—it was our primary source of income. Since the flood ruined my business, I can no longer afford to care for my children or meet their school needs,” Oyeneyin said.

“We need support from the government and organizations to help us rebuild our lives. Many of us have lost not just our businesses but also our homes and stability. Providing financial aid and awareness programs could make a significant difference.”

Her children now attend the only remaining school in the community, a makeshift structure of wooden huts precariously connected by unstable boardwalks and supported by stilts in the swampy ground. The school has been relocated multiple times due to relentless ocean surges.

Residents say there used to be three schools in the community. With the loss of two and the strain on the only one left, hundreds of children are now out of school.

“One time, schools were closed for about four years, and even when they reopened, the devastation in the area made it impossible for children to access their schools. This has been our greatest pain,” Thompson told IPS.

Zikora Ibeh, Senior Programme Manager at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), is of the belief that the Nigerian government should recalibrate its priorities.

“Until state authorities in Nigeria recognise community welfare and environmental justice as essential components of their legacy, communities like Ayetoro will continue to bear the brunt of neglect, exploitation, and climate change,” Ibeh said.

The monarch’s palace, now surrounded by swampy waters, tells a tale of loss. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

The Curse of Fossil Fuels

Ayetoro’s vulnerability to rising sea levels is compounded by the oil exploration activities in the region. Located in Nigeria’s oil-rich belt, Ayetoro contributes to the country’s total oil production.

Akinwuwa Omobolanle, who was the queen to the former king of Ayetoro, wants local and international oil companies to stop operating in the area.

“The crude oil drilling in the ocean and the arrival of foreigners who discovered natural resources in Ayetoro in the 1990s are one of the main causes of what we are facing. Since they started drilling oil, problems have been escalating,” Omobolanle said.

While oil companies deny responsibility for the destruction, environmental experts want justice.

“While rising sea levels are undoubtedly driven by global warming, the plight of Ayetoro, like many oil-rich communities in the Niger Delta, is also a direct consequence of reckless extractivism perpetuated by multinational oil and gas corporations. For decades, these corporations have operated with near-total impunity, leaving a trail of environmental destruction in their wake,” Ibeh posited.

The Nigerian government, she added, does not hold these corporations accountable and demand reparations for the damage done, but rather “successive governments have chosen complicity, upholding corporate interests and revenue generation over the welfare of communities like Ayetoro. This negligence has left the town doubly vulnerable—first to the global impacts of climate change and second to the unchecked greed of profit-driven industries that treat the environment as disposable.”

Cynthia N. Moyo, Greenpeace Africa’s Climate and Energy Campaigner, told IPS that it is essential for Africa to transition from fossil fuels to sustainable energy sources. She argued that fossil fuels represent not only an environmental threat but also a perpetuation of oppression, exploitation, and neocolonialism.

“The science is clear: the extreme weather events we’re experiencing in our communities are a direct consequence of continued reliance on fossil fuels. These events are wreaking havoc on vulnerable communities worldwide. In Africa, the effects of climate change are devastating—cyclones, typhoons, floods, and billions of dollars in damage occur annually,” she said.

Moyo warned that increased investment in offshore oil and gas drilling would lead to severe environmental damage, including the risk of spills that harm marine ecosystems and destroy the livelihoods of coastal communities. This, she explained, would only exacerbate the climate crisis.

“Such activities undermine meaningful efforts and commitments to transition towards renewable energy. Fossil fuels like coal and oil lie at the core of a broken, unjust, and unsustainable energy system that harms both people and the planet,” she noted.

A Bleak Future?

For the residents of Ayetoro, time is running out. Amid the lack of government support, they have been attempting to find local solutions to their worsening plight but without success.

“We have tried to build local barriers to stop the flood,” said Ojajuni Oluwale, a father of seven who has lost two houses to the encroaching waters. “We’ve tried bagging sand and placing it along the coastline, but when the sea rises, it scatters everything.”

“Solving this will require huge financial investment,” Oluwale said.

At COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, developed nations agreed to allocate USD 300 billion annually to help developing countries address climate impacts. However, developing countries criticized this amount as inadequate, with Nigeria describing it as a “joke.”

There is widespread skepticism that developed nations, responsible for nearly 80 percent of historical greenhouse gas emissions, will honor their commitments. In 2009, they pledged to provide USD 100 billion annually to support vulnerable countries grappling with worsening climate disasters, but the promise was slow to materialize, even though, according to the OECD, developed countries exceeded the amount in the end.

In 2022, after years of pressure, developed nations agreed to establish a Loss and Damage Fund to offer financial support to nations most vulnerable and severely impacted by the consequences of climate change. Contributions to the fund have exceeded USD 70 million, with disbursement expected to begin by 2025.

Tolulope Theresa Gbenro, a climate expert in Nigeria, worries about the disparity between the climate financing needs of developing countries, especially African nations, and the pledges made by developed countries. She noted that at present, climate finance and accountability are somewhat disorganized and lacking a clear, unified approach across various funding sources.

“It’s one thing to have enough funding to meet the needs, but another to have the right accountability, monitoring, and auditing frameworks in place to ensure that funds are properly disbursed and reach the most vulnerable groups. At this stage, I would say it is still a work in progress because negotiations related to this will continue moving forward,” Gbenro highlighted.

While Ayetoro awaits any form of assistance to prevent its complete destruction, residents report that the psychological toll of their suffering is overwhelming.

“The trauma is unbearable,” said Emmanuel Aralu, who lost his barbershop to the encroaching sea. “The entire shop was wiped out overnight. Not a single item could be saved. Now, I’m struggling to make ends meet, support my wife and children, pay school fees, and cope with the rising cost of living.”

He continued, “I’m suffering for something I didn’t cause. Oil exploration drains resources from our offshore areas, but the benefits go to cities like Abuja and Lagos, leaving us to bear the brunt of the damage. It’s emotionally exhausting.”

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Excerpt:

Togo's President, Faure Gnassingbé

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Dec 18 2024 (IPS)

In May 2024, Togo’s President Faure Gnassingbé signed a new constitution, transitioning the country from a presidential to a parliamentary system. Under this new framework, lawmakers are responsible for electing the president.

Supporters of the reforms argue that this transition diminishes Faure Gnassingbé’s powers by making the presidency a largely ceremonial role. Human Rights Minister Yawa Djigbodi Tségan claimed the changes would improve democracy in the country. However, the opposition has called it a “constitutional coup,” accusing Gnassingbé of using it to entrench his power by removing term limits.

The new constitution extends presidential terms from five to six years and establishes a single-term limit. However, the nearly 20 years that Gnassingbé has already been in office will not be included in this count.

The reforms were passed by a parliament dominated by the ruling Union pour la République (UNIR) party, led by Gnassingbé. Despite public opposition, the president implemented the amendments after his party secured a majority in parliament.

A History of Power and Repression

The Gnassingbé family’s dominance began with President Gnassingbé Eyadéma, who seized power in 1967, just a few years after Togo gained independence from France. Eyadéma ruled for 38 years, during which he removed presidential term limits in 2002. His regime was marked by severe repression and allegations of human rights abuses, including violent crackdowns on protests and political assassinations.

Human rights organizations like Amnesty International frequently condemned Eyadéma’s government for its brutality, but Eyadéma dismissed these claims as part of a denigratory campaign against him, insisting that true Togolese democracy was based on security and peace.

After Eyadéma’s death in 2005, his son, Faure Gnassingbé, was installed as president by the military, sparking widespread protests and violence. Faure has since won disputed elections in 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2020. Despite reinstating term limits in 2019, they were not applied retroactively, allowing Faure to remain in office until at least 2030.

Gnassingbé’s Constitutional Façade

Many critics argue that the recent constitutional changes are simply a cover for Faure Gnassingbé to maintain control. Under the new system, the president will serve a largely ceremonial role, while real power will rest with the “president of the council of ministers,” a position that is expected to go to Gnassingbé himself.

In the period leading up to the vote in April, the government took measures to restrict civil liberties, including banning protests, arresting opposition leaders, and preventing the Catholic Church from deploying election observers. Foreign journalists were also barred from reporting on the events.

Abdul Majeed Hajj Sibo, a political analyst based in Ghana, told IPS that the reforms are a façade designed to give the illusion of democracy.

“Even the elections that keep bringing Faure back to power are manipulated. This constitutional façade is meant to deceive the Togolese people into believing there is change, but nothing has really changed,” Sibo said.

Faure’s rule is part of a broader trend of “strongman politics” in Africa, argues Sizo Nkala, a Research Fellow at the Centre for Africa-China Studies at the University of Johannesburg. He notes that, like many other African leaders, Faure has used a combination of patronage, violence, ethnic favoritism, sham elections, and bogus constitutional amendments to stay in power.

“This is a common playbook used by dictators across the continent,” Nkala said.

Nkala posits that while Togo has effectively switched to a parliamentary system, similar to South Africa, the environment in which the elections take place makes all the difference.

“South Africa is a vibrant, multiparty democracy where elections are reasonably free and fair. This is why the African National Congress (ANC), which has governed the country since 1994, lost its majority in the May elections and was forced to form a coalition government with other parties. Moreover, South African legislators do follow their party lines but also enjoy a degree of autonomy. The same cannot be said of the Togolese parliament and electoral process. Elections are rigged frequently, and parliamentarians do not have the latitude to act according to their own convictions. Unlike in South Africa, there is no real separation of powers between the executive and legislature in Togo, which has given rise to the dictatorship and authoritarianism we see today,” he added.

Opposition Under Fire

The opposition in Togo has long faced a harsh political environment. Protests demanding democratic reforms have often been met with government crackdowns. After Eyadéma’s death in 2005, Faure’s rise to power was met with mass protests that led to the deaths of up to 500 people, and many were displaced.

The slogan “Faure Must Go” has become a rallying cry, but government crackdowns have consistently stifled opposition efforts.

“The last thing the Gnassingbé regime will want to see is a formidable opposition outfit; hence it has thrown spanners in the operations of the opposition. This is part of the reason the opposition won only 5 out of the 113 seats in parliament in the April elections,” Nkala told IPS.

He adds: “The Togolese opposition has struggled to mount a unified challenge to the Gnassingbé regime because they work in a very difficult environment where their activists could be subjected to violence, jailed arbitrarily, abducted, or even killed without recourse to justice for merely exercising their constitutional rights of dissent, freedom of association, and speech.”

Analysts also say that cracks and disputes among the Togolese opposition are also a limiting factor.

“The opposition needs to unite and fight as a single bloc, but they have been unable to do so,” Sibo told IPS. Boycotts of elections by opposition factions in the past have only strengthened Gnassingbé’s grip on power, he added.

Kwesi Obeng, a socio-political and inclusive governance expert at the University of Ghana, told IPS that it would be difficult for the opposition to make any headway not just because of its fragmentation but also because a tiny political and economic elite with very close ties to the Gnassingbé family has effectively captured the state of Togo and all its institutions. This dominance over state power and resources, he says, has made it very difficult for any group to break through.

He argued that this situation has resulted in wealth being concentrated in the hands of a few individuals.

“Many people live below the poverty line. In fact half of the Togolese living in rural areas—about 58%—really live in poverty. Additionally, about a quarter of those living in urban areas also live below the poverty line. So, you have a significant portion of the population living precarious lives, with barely any jobs, income, or access to basic services,” Obeng said.

Despite the ruling party’s dominance, the resilience of the opposition shows that there are still those willing to risk their lives for change, Nkala notes, adding that the opposition’s persistence, despite the odds, is a testament to the determination of millions of Togolese people who want to see an end to the Gnassingbé dynasty.

International Response and France’s Role

France has maintained a close relationship with the Gnassingbé family, which has fueled resentment in Togo. After Faure’s re-election in February 2020—an election condemned as rigged by the opposition—France sent him a congratulatory letter, sparking controversy.

Critics, like Sibo, argue that France continues to support the autocratic regime for economic reasons.

Former French President Jacques Chirac once  referred to President Gnassingbé Eyadéma as a “friend to France and a personal friend,” despite the human rights abuses associated with his regime.

Sibo believes this loyalty to the Gnassingbé dynasty has contributed to France’s reluctance to challenge the regime.

“As long as it serves their interests, France will turn a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the Gnassingbé family,” Sibo said.

Obeng agrees with Sibo’s views. “France runs the port, a major contributor to the Togolese GDP, and many major businesses in the country are partly French-owned. Therefore, I think the French government is not interested in unsettling the status quo regarding the governance system and structure in Togo. With Sahelian countries having driven the French out of that part of the continent, France now has very little foothold. As a result, they are reluctant to destabilize a country like Togo, which could potentially join the ranks of nations that have expelled the French from their territory.”

Efforts by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) to address Togo’s political issues have been limited. ECOWAS’s failure to act on the situation in Togo damages its reputation as a leader in promoting regional stability and development, analysts say.

In 2015, ECOWAS attempted to introduce a two-term presidential limit across its member states, but this was blocked by Togo and Gambia.

Experts like Nkala are of the opinion that these organizations lack the legal authority to intervene effectively and that reforms are needed to give them real powers to enforce democratic protocols in member states.

Concerns are mounting over President Faure Gnassingbé’s role in the US-Africa Business Summit. Observers have pointed out that Western nations and organizations often do not authentically champion democracy in Africa. Critics claim these entities tend to prioritize their own agendas, often siding with questionable governments instead.

The Way Forward

With Faure’s party holding a strong majority in parliament, it seems unlikely that the regime will fall anytime soon, critics told IPS.

Nkala believes that unless Gnassingbé loses control of the military or faces a significant challenge from within his own party, political change is unlikely in the near future.

“The military is key to Faure’s power, and as long as they remain loyal, he will continue to rule Togo,” Nkala said.

Obeng says that as long as the elite continue to control the state machinery, including organizing elections, it will be very difficult for the opposition to unseat the government.

He added: “The opposition has made it clear that the elections were rigged, which is why some members chose not to participate. The Togolese opposition has already published its verdict that the elections were manipulated, and we need to take their charges seriously.”

However, Sibo remains hopeful that with greater unity, the opposition could eventually challenge the regime. “The opposition must focus on building a unified front,” he said. “If they can do that, there is still a chance for change.”

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An #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protestor in Abuja expresses his view on President Bola Tinabu. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Aug 6 2024 (IPS)

Thousands of Nigerians have taken to the streets to protest against bad governance, corruption, soaring inflation, and the rising cost of living, in what has been termed “10 Days of Rage” and believed to mirror Kenyan protests organized by the youth.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and a major exporter of crude oil, citizens claim that the benefits of the country’s resources do not trickle down to the masses but to a group of corrupt politicians.

The demonstrations, slated for the first ten days of August, gained momentum on social media, with the hashtag #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria accompanied by the slogan “10 Days of Rage.”

This follows the protests in Kenya, where young people engaged in six weeks of demonstrations over an unpopular bill that sought to raise taxes. Under pressure, President William Ruto retracted the bill and announced a cabinet shake-up.

There is no organized leadership for the Nigerian protests, but some of the demands include a total overhaul of the Nigerian system, including the reversal of economic policies implemented by President Bola Tinubu from his first day in office. A group is also clamoring for the unconditional release of Nnamdi Kanu, a leader of a proscribed secessionist group who was arrested in Kenya, extradited to Nigeria, and detained since June 2021. In the northern state of Kano there were demands the president step down.

Tinubu eliminated the contentious fuel subsidy and requested the central bank to stabilize the naira and control inflation, which experts say may improve the economy but has ultimately impoverished millions of Nigerians.

To appease Nigerians before protests began, the government hastily approved an increase in the minimum monthly wage from 30,000 naira (approximately USD 18.55) to 70,000 naira (USD 43.29) following pressure from labour unions. Observers note that this raise is negligible in the face of soaring inflation, which has exceeded 34%—its highest level in nearly 30 years—resulting in one of the nation’s most severe cost-of-living crises. Politicians promised to slash their salaries by 50% to help solve Nigeria’s hunger crisis.

Tinubu also held several closed-door meetings with leaders from across the country to appeal to Nigerians and quell the protests. Job advertisements in government institutions also made headlines.

Agabi Yusuf, a civil rights activist in Sokoto, Northwest Nigeria, argues that all of the “fire brigade”approaches to appeal to Nigerians to stop the demonstrations will not work because “Nigerians are hungry, and this time they have been pushed to the wall.”

“You don’t expect them to keep their mouths shut,” he told IPS.

Brutal Force

Yusuf is worried about the government’s brutal response to the protests. Human rights group Amnesty International reported that on the first day of the protests, at least 13 people were killed in clashes between protesters and police forces in various cities. Local media provided differing death tolls, with one newspaper claiming that up to 17 people were killed.

A 24-hour curfew was imposed in many parts of the country, including the northern state of Kano, which is the second-largest state and one of the country’s major voting blocs, following the looting of government and public properties there.

People defied the curfew, waving the Russian flag and chanting in the local Hausa language, calling on the president to step down and for the military to take over power. The police responded by killing no fewer than 10 people.

The Sokoto-based Yusuf, who was detained by Nigeria’s secret police on July 25 for attempting to organize youth to protest peacefully, said the threats and brutality from the government can only help but make things spiral out of control.

Yusuf told IPS that the security agency claimed he was part of those allegedly plotting to topple the government of Tinubu through the protests.

“The officers were just yelling at me. They locked me up in a very smelly room for about eight hours. In fact, they threatened that if anything went wrong during the protest, I would be held responsible,” Yusuf, a leader with the Northern Advocate for Good Governance, said.

Yusuf is not the only one who has been threatened and detained. According to Amnesty International, nearly 700 protesters, including journalists, have been arrested across the country while nine officers have been injured during the protests. The authorities are wary that the protests may mirror the deadly EndSARS demonstrations against police brutality in 2020, which resulted in deaths and injuries after security forces opened fire on unarmed protesters.

Oludare Ogunlana, Professor of National Security at Collin College in Texas, shares Yusuf’s views. He told IPS that suppressing people from protesting will result in very deadly repercussions.

“As we are appealing to the protesters to be orderly, we expect the security agencies to be cautious. If you use deadly weapons on people, then it will escalate and become uncontrollable. The people are simply telling the authorities to address their concerns, but the government has been indifferent.”

Nuredeen Hassan, a political analyst in Nigeria, argued that though the protests may have been inspired by what happened in Kenya, there were already signs that Nigerians may soon storm the streets. He noted that “people are really angry about the state of the country.”

“While Tinubu has only been president for about a year, his party has held onto power for nine years and only a few of the promises made over the years have been fulfilled. The country is getting worse and this has infuriated Nigerians,” he told IPS.

In the administrative capital Abuja, where residents are angered about the rising cases of kidnapping for ransom, police chased protesters and threw canisters of tear gas at them, injuring many. Security agencies shot live rounds at journalists and protesters, and indiscriminately arrested dozens.

Yakubu Muhammed, a reporter with Premium Times, a daily paper in the country, told IPS that while he was trying to film police officers arresting people, he was hit with the butt of a gun and dragged into a van. “Despite explaining that I am a pressman, they arrested me and seized my phone. In the van, I met four people. I was released some moments later,” he said.

Critics accused the security agencies of failing to protect protesters but rather choosing to give cover to allegedly government-paid thugs who, all over the country, are raising placards saying, ‘Say No To Protest’.

In Nigeria’s economic capital Lagos, thugs threatened and chased protesters while the police watched.

The Race For 2027

President Tinubu addressed the country on the fourth day of the protests. He pleaded for an end to the demonstrations but insisted that he would not reverse any of his economic policies.

His speech did not go well with the opposition who slammed him for not addressing the demands of the protesters. A former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar, said that Tinubu’s “speech neglects the pressing economic hardships that have besieged Nigerian families since the very beginning of his tenure.”

Ibrahim Baba Shatambaya, a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, Nigeria,  is concerned that the President made no reference or condemned the killing of protesters in the country by security forces, despite his promise to hold onto the tenets of democracy and human rights.

“The protest is just one event which is an outcome of the poor performance of the government. If the government does not do the needful in actually reversing the trends of economic hardships in this country, the tendency is that the ruling political party may not likely have a field day come the subsequent round of elections in 2027,” Shatambaya said.

Ethnic Tensions

Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State in southeast Nigeria, was criticized by Tinubu’s media aide, Bayo Onanuga, for allegedly leading his supporters to organize the protests to remove the president from power. He referred to Obi’s supporters as members of the proscribed pro-secessionist group  Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) led by the detained Kanu. IPOB is agitating for an independent Biafra Republic which would be made up of Nigeria’s southeastern states-the home base of the Igbo tribe.  Onanuga claimed Obi, a presidential candidate in the last elections, is unhappy that he lost to Tinubu in a very tight race.

Obi has denied this claim and has taken legal action against Onanuga for defamation. Observers like the political analyst Hassan say this is just a reflection of the level of ‘Igbophobia’ meted out against the Igbos by some actors in the government and, if care is not taken, could lead to an ethnic crisis.

Organized Igbo-led groups in Nigeria’s southeast denounced and pulled out of the protests before they began, fearing there would be a bloody backlash against them if the protest spirals out of control. They fear that, just like in 1966, when thousands of Igbos were blamed and massacred for allegedly leading a revolutionary coup that saw the deaths of many influential leaders and eventually led to a nearly three-year civil war, they could be targeted for actively calling for Tinubu’s resignation.

Meanwhile, in the Yoruba ethnic-dominated Southwest, Tinubu’s home base, there are growing calls for Igbos to leave the region, which has been condemned by the national government.

Elsewhere in the north, where the protests have become extremely violent with many cities shut down, and workplaces, hospitals, and schools closed, rumors are spreading that the northerners, the majority of whom are from the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups, are actively protesting against the government because they want Tinubu, a Yoruba man, to step down for one of their kinsmen.

“Some Yorubas are defending Tinubu like they are not seeing this hardship only because he is their kinsman. The Hausas and Fulanis that called protests un-Islamic are now at the forefront of violent protests. They want to make Tinubu a one-term president like the former President Goodluck Jonathan so that another northerner can take over power,” alleged Michael John, who lives in Abuja.

Meanwhile, Ogunlana told IPS that while ethnic propaganda may have been instigated by politicians for their self-interest, Nigerians should be concerned about the factors that have made the country difficult to live in.

“Whether you are from the north or the south, suffering and hardship unites all of us. I don’t think these protests should be viewed through ethnic lenses but rather should be about how the government should listen to the demands of the aggrieved citizens,” he said.

Owolabi Toyibat in Lagos, who is against the violent outcomes of the protests and believes the demonstrations may last for more than 10 days, fears that the protests with their different leaderships may spark riots, especially when the government continues to ignore the demands of the protesters.

“Looting of public and private properties will soon become the norm. While I believe that protesting is our right, there can never be a peaceful protest in Nigeria, and only very few protests have brought tangible changes in this country. Look at the protests in Kenya and how they ended in so much violence and loss of lives. Such will be the case in Nigeria,” she told IPS.

Abdullateef Abdullahi in Sokoto thinks differently.

“I believe protest is very essential until our demands are met, as it serves as the only primary means to draw our leaders’ attention to the national issues we face and to pressurize them for tangible reform of our nation,” he said, adding that “only the urgency of this protest can bring our leaders back to their senses and listen to our plight. We are being treated like slaves while they live in luxury. Does this not call for protests?”

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Opponents of the East African Crude Oil pipeline protested American International Group's continued support of the project. The protest was in New York in July. Credit: 350.org

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Jul 30 2024 (IPS)

Following the recent Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournament in Ivory Coast, a continent-wide campaign has emerged on social media challenging the tournament’s main sponsor, TotalEnergies, over its involvement in the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

EACOP, a massive 1,443-kilometer crude oil export pipeline, is designed to transport oil from Western Uganda’s oilfields to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. TotalEnergies, a major stakeholder in the project, will extract oil from the Tilenga field and export it to the Global North.

Environmentalists argue that the project threatens the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people and the region’s fragile ecosystems. The Ugandan and Tanzanian governments have dismissed these concerns, asserting that the pipeline is essential for bolstering their economies.

Many of these campaigners, particularly environmentalists, have faced harassment and arrest.

One of them, Stephen Kwikiriza, an employee of Uganda’s Environment Governance Institute (EGI), a non-profit organization, was reportedly abducted and beaten by the Ugandan armed forces in Kampala on June 4, 2024.

After being questioned, he was abandoned hundreds of miles from the capital, highlighting the latest episode in the crackdown on environmentalists in Uganda.

TotalEnergies, through their press officer, François Sinecan, emphatically denied that the company had anything to do with the harassment of environmentalists, or was involved in legitimizing the company through sponsorship.

Sportswashing

Critics argue that TotalEnergies is exploiting Uganda and Tanzania for their oil, even as it faces numerous legal battles due to its role in the climate crisis and refusal to take responsibility.

They worry that TotalEnergies is using AFCON, the continent’s biggest football tournament, and its global viewership to enhance its image while profiting from climate-wrecking fossil fuel extraction across Africa.

“AFCON is one of the ways they [TotalEnergies] are using to legitimize their existence. They have to use the sports arena. They seem to say, ‘Look at what we are doing in Africa, and in your communities, it is to your benefit.’ Every time you look at the logo of TotalEnergies, you might be convinced that this is a big corporation that should invest [in Africa], when in actuality, they are destroying our existence,” Nkurunziza Alphonse, the Ugandan Coordinator of the Students Against EACOP Uganda, told IPS.

Alphonse was arrested in October 2022 when he led a group of students to the EU embassy in Kampala to deliver a petition against EACOP. But he is not the only student to be arrested and harassed in recent times.

On December 15 last year, Bwete Abdul Aziiz, a co-founder of the Justice Movement Uganda and a student at Kyambogo University in Kampala, rallied 50 students, including members of the movement, to protest and deliver a petition to the Ugandan parliament against the EACOP.

However, the students did not reach their destination as the police dispersed the protest and arrested Abdul Aziiz, along with three other students who are members of the movement.

“Before we were taken to the Central Police Station in Kampala, where we spent four days, we were held in an enclosed space for about an hour where the police threatened us to stop fighting the government. I was kicked in the ribs by a police officer, and other colleagues were slapped,” Abdul Aziiz told IPS.

However, Sinecan, TotalEnergies press officer, denied claims of sportwashing and involvement in the arrests of climate activists.

“Africa is part of the DNA of TotalEnergies, which has been present on the continent for ninety years and has never ceased to develop its activities and strengthen its local roots. The company employs 10,000 men and women in more than 40 African countries, working across the entire energy production and distribution chain. Every day, nearly 4 million customers visit the 4,700 service stations in the TotalEnergies network in Africa,” Sinecan told IPS.

He added that TotalEnergies  “will not tolerate any threat or attack against those who peacefully defend and promote human rights.”

“TotalEnergies has a history of engaging directly with all members of civil society, including NGOs involved in human rights issues. To this end, the company’s commitments include quarterly meetings, stakeholder dialogue, bilateral meetings, webinars on keynote topics identified by NGOs and responses to questions and concerns raised by all project stakeholders,” said Sinecan.

However, activists that IPS spoke to do not agree.

Bhekhumuzi Bhebhe, Campaigns Lead at Power Shift Africa, in a statement sent to IPS said, “Investing millions in sportswashing while undercompensating displaced households exposes a profound deceit by the French multinational. It also highlights the glaring disconnect between corporate sponsorship and genuine social responsibility.”

But the French oil giant denied claims of undercompensating displaced households, telling IPS that “as with all other aspects of the project, TotalEnergies stringently complies with local regulations and international standards (IFC).”

Football and Climate Change

The 2023 AFCON was postponed to 2024 due to adverse weather conditions, leading critics to argue that the tournament underscored the impacts of the climate crisis, for which TotalEnergies and other oil majors are largely responsible.

Richard Heede of the Climate Accountability Project has described EACOP as a mid-sized carbon bomb. The pipeline is projected to become operational by 2025 and once completed, it is expected to contribute approximately 34 million tons of carbon emissions annually for around 25 years.

Baraka Lenga, Greenfaith Tanzania coordinator, considers this a climate disaster.

“For capitalists and businessmen, EACOP implies making billions of dollars. TotalEnergies does not care about human rights but about money. In Tanzania, over 70 percent of citizens depend on agriculture, yet instead of being concerned about the negative impacts of EACOP, TotalEnergies is focused on profit,” Lenga said.

Alagoa Morris, an environmental expert and human rights activist in Nigeria, told IPS that African governments allow oil giants to exploit communities in the continent to maintain support from the Global North, where the majority of these oil firms are based. He says this has also led to numerous oil spills in the continent.

Last year, the Nigerian government confirmed the loss of 3,000 barrels of crude oil in TotalEnergies’ spill in the oil-rich Niger-Delta region, which is already one of the most polluted areas on the planet due to frequent oil spills.

“African governments are complicit in the exploitation of the continent’s oil resources because the wealth generated from oil is then used to fuel the lust for power and wealth of a few individuals, perpetuating a cycle of corruption and environmental degradation,” Morris said.

Renewable Energies?

To do away with fossil fuels by mid-century, world leaders during cop28 held at UAE last year, pledged to keep investing in renewable energies. However, with a projected population of about 2.5 billion in 2050, many African leaders doubt that renewable energy can adequately substitute for energy obtained from fossil fuels required to produce power for a rapidly growing population in Africa.

Seyifunmi Adebote, an environmental policy expert in Nigeria, believes Africa must embrace renewable energy but according to him, “many countries on the continent lack the infrastructure to transition to renewable energy in the short run.”

Despite accusations of investing in fossil fuels, TotalEnergies told IPS that it has “dedicated USD 5 billion to renewable and low-carbon energies and will dedicate another USD 5 billion in 2024. This is the second year in a row that TotalEnergies has invested more in low-carbon energies than in new hydrocarbon projects.

“Since 2020, we have been resolutely committed to our transition strategy, which is based on two pillars: gas and electricity. Gas and low-carbon electricity are at the heart of tomorrow’s energy system. Gas is an essential transitional energy to support the rise of intermittent renewable energies and replace coal in power generation. In electricity, we are already one of the world’s biggest solar and wind power developers, which should put us in the top 5 worldwide in this sector by 2030.”

Victory In Sight

The fate of EACOP is uncertain after several financial institutions, including previous supporters of TotalEnergies, announced they would no longer back the project due to global environmental protests.

European lawmakers have also condemned and called for its delay.

For the Ugandan-based Alphonse, this marks a significant victory in the fight against EACOP, as the lack of financiers could lead to the project being suspended.

“This is the time African countries should move away from fossil fuels. Oil is destroying our continent,” he said.

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At a camp for internally displaced people in Bokkos. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
KADUNA, Nigeria, Jun 19 2024 (IPS)

Lami Kwasu, a farmer in the village of Kafanchan in Kaduna State, north-central Nigeria, was at home one evening in October 2020 when the sound of sporadic gunshots filled the air.

Gunmen, suspected to be Fulani nomadic herders, had surrounded the village, shooting from different angles.

Kwasu placed her three-year-old son on her back and attempted to run to a nearby bush for safety. But she was shot in the head and went unconscious.

“I woke up in a hospital in Kaduna metropolis two weeks later and was very happy to find out that my son was alive,” she recalled.

Residents who spoke with IPS reported that the attack, which lasted for about four hours, left over 30 houses burned, dozens injured, and over 20 people dead, including Kwasu’s mother, whom the herders butchered to death.

The attackers fled before security operatives arrived in the troubled area.

Kwasu’s ordeal is part of a troubling pattern. In recent years, tensions between farmers and cattle herders have escalated in Nigeria’s north-central states, often referred to as the Middle Belt. This region has witnessed a series of violent clashes. For instance, last year in Zangon Kataf district, Kaduna state, 33 people lost their lives in an attack by Fulani herders on a farming village.

Similarly, in Bokkos district, Plateau state, over 200 individuals were brutally murdered during a herder-led attack on Christmas Eve last year.

According to Human Rights Watch, approximately 60,000 people have been killed and over 300,000 have been displaced across the region due to the conflict. This includes Grace Mahan, who lost her first son during the attack in Bokkos and is now a refugee in one of the 14 refugee camps in the area.

“Everything was destroyed—our animals, our houses—they destroyed everything. I escaped with nothing but the clothes I am wearing,” she told IPS.

Cattle at a Fulani settlement in Bokkos. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

Climate Change

Observers say the situation has been triggered by drought linked to climate change in the north. The region’s average yearly rainfall has significantly decreased to less than 600 mm, a stark contrast to the 3,500 mm received in the southern areas. As a result, herders are compelled to migrate southward in search of grazing land for their livestock.

Livestock in Nigeria are growing at a very fast rate, around 20 million—making it one of the world’s largest. The human population is growing too. With a population of more than 200 million, it is the highest in Africa.

The swelling populations of livestock and humans, especially in the north-central region, leaving farmers and pastoralists to compete for very few resources, has resulted in one of the bloodiest conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The conflict is now spreading to southern states in the country, with mass killings increasingly reported over the past years as herders accuse the local farmers of stealing their cattle, and the farmers blame the herders for trespassing their farmlands and destroying their crops.

Religious Fire Amid Ethnic Tensions

In recent years, the conflict has shifted from being a battle for resources to being interpreted as an ethno-religious crisis between the indigenous ethnic groups in the Middle Belt, who are predominantly Christian, and the Fulani, who are predominantly Muslim and are seen as settlers.

For many Christian groups in Nigeria and outside the country, the attacks have been termed an “Islamic war of expansion”. This view is coming on the backdrop of concerns suggesting that Nigeria is one of the most dangerous places to be a Christian following the rise of jihadist groups and politically motivated killings that have targeted Christians. According to a report, 90 per cent of the nearly 5,000 Christians killed for faith-based reasons last year were in Nigeria.

Even before US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s visit to Nigeria in February, Christian advocacy and religious freedom groups in the US criticized President Joe Biden’s administration for not including Nigeria on its religious freedom watchlist.

Some Muslims in the North perceive attacks on Fulani communities by Christians as an assault on Islam, prompting calls for retaliation from some quarters.

These clashes, typically occurring in villages, can quickly spiral into violent confrontations between Christians and Muslims in northern towns, leading to devastating consequences.

Muslim groups in Nigeria have consistently denounced the killings perpetrated by both sides, asserting that the attacks are not driven by religious motives.

Underlying Factors

For Oludare Ogunlana, Professor of National Security at Collin College in Texas, the conflict has shifted from a contest for resources to a religious crisis because the government has, for decades, neglected to address underlying factors such as religious tensions, ethno-political crises, poverty, unemployment, and illiteracy that have plagued the region.

While Nigeria is a secular state, religion plays an important role in the country’s politics. Politicians often exploit religious sentiments to attract voters during elections. Socio-political issues swiftly escalate into religious crises, especially in the north-central region. For example, a protest by Christians in Kaduna against the government’s plans to adopt Sharia law in the state in 2000 escalated into a series of conflicts that resulted in the deaths of no fewer than 2000 people.

In the early 2000s, in Jos, Plateau State, following the appointments of government officials along religious lines, there were a series of violence incidents between Christians and Muslims that led to hundreds of deaths.

“Religious intolerance arises as a result of poverty, not just in terms of material possessions but also in terms of ideas. The majority of farmers and herders in the middle belt are relatively poor. Given the existing religious tensions in a region plagued by illiteracy and the government’s inability to address these issues, it is not unexpected that the farmer-herder crisis would now revolve around religion,” Ogunlana told IPS.

Government Negligence

Critics argue that the government is not affording the crisis the requisite attention, despite its efforts to mitigate the killings. In 2019, the presidency proposed grazing camps and cattle colonies nationwide. However, this plan faced opposition from middle belt leaders who viewed it as a strategy to assist herders in seizing land and promoting Islam.

The 2024 annual report from the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) placed blame on the Nigerian government for its negligence in addressing religious extremist violence.

For Ogunlana, community policing, frequent roundtable discussions with religious and traditional leaders, and creating opportunities to encourage herders to divest into other profitable ventures other than pastoring will help to douse the flames.

He added, “The government has to promote inclusive governance and implement policies that ensure equitable representation and participation of diverse religious communities in the decision-making process at all levels of governance. That can foster trust and a sense of belonging among different religious and ethnic groups.”

Nigeria, despite strict gun control, is a hub for illegal small arms, fueling security issues. The UN reports 70% of West Africa’s 500 million illegal weapons are in Nigeria, perpetuating cycles of violence between farmers and herders.

The Fulani herders’ leadership, Miyetti Allah, claims that herders’ attacks are retaliatory responses to farmers’ alleged cattle theft, while farmers maintain that they are defending their lands.

As the crisis worsens, the scar deepens. Abdulrahman Muhammed, a herder from Bokkos, shared with IPS that after the attack on Christmas Eve, Christian natives seeking revenge attacked numerous Fulani settlements the next day, burning many houses, including his own.

“I managed to escape, but some of my cattle were stolen. I wish there could be a dialogue between the natives and herders to find a way to end the killings,” he said.
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Joshua Peter and his friend Salama Ogboshun were kidnapped last year while on their way to the farm in Kaduna. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Mar 12 2024 (IPS)

Lilian Eze still shivers when she recalls the frequent attacks by kidnappers in the Kaduna community she once lived in, in north-central Nigeria. In February 2022, she fled with her children to Abuja, the nation’s capital, to ensure their safety.

In an interview with IPS, she explained that the kidnappers would invade the community on foot and with a horde of motorbikes in the evenings with little or no resistance from security agencies.

They would indiscriminately fire gunshots into the air, instilling fear among residents, before forcibly taking their victims to remote areas in the forest, where they would be held captive until ransom was paid. But not all victims make it out alive.

“When it started, sometime around 2017, we thought it would subside but it became extremely frequent. The gunshots were terrifying; most nights, we could not sleep. After my neighbour was kidnapped, I stopped sleeping at my house. My children and I would go to a nearby community to spend the night,” Eze said.

Nigeria is currently bedeviled with a widespread kidnapping for ransom crisis. It is among the highest globally. Armed gunmen snatch their victims from highways, schools, and even their homes. According to a report from Lagos-based risk consultancy SBM Intelligence spanning from July 2022 to June 2023, 3,495 individuals were abducted in 582 incidents, with over USD 18 million paid as ransom between 2011 and 2020.

The Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit says kidnapping for ransom is one of the major sources of terrorism financing in the country. Despite several pledges by the government to bring an end to the crisis, it has continued to fester.

While the payment of ransom has been criminalised, Nigerians have no choice but to crowdfund for ransom to secure the release of their family members and relatives, as in most cases, the kidnappers would not release their victims until ransom was paid.

Trapped in Kidnappers’ Den

While Eze and her family were lucky to have escaped to a relatively safer location, others have not been so lucky.

Joshua Peter, 30, along with his friend Salama Ogboshun, were kidnapped last year while on their way to the farm in Kaduna. He said heavily armed men ambushed and bundled them into a bush, from where they were taken to a forest. He added that the trauma of his experience in the forest may never fade away.

“Many kidnapped victims were killed before my eyes. Women and young girls were frequently raped in the open. I was beaten and received death threats every day,” he said.

Peter said he was released after two weeks only after the ransom was paid but for days he could eat just a little food and did not talk to anyone as a result of the trauma he battled with. He wondered why the Nigerian security forces were unable to rescue them and track the location of the kidnappers despite negotiations for their release on the phone.

Nigerians have frequently raised concerns about the efficiency of the country’s intelligence gathering and have voiced criticism regarding the perceived shortcomings of different security agencies in employing technology to address insecurity. Critics argue that, despite security agencies effectively monitoring and suppressing opposition activities, they have consistently fallen short in tracking down criminals. The police attribute delays in addressing kidnapping cases to a “shortage of tracking machines.”

Nigeria’s Failing Technological Infrastructure

For Sadiq Abdulahi, a tech expert with Fozy Global Concept based in Abuja, there is sparse collaboration between security agencies, which hampers the fight against insecurity.

“There should be synergy among the various security agencies regarding data sharing,” he added, emphasizing the lack of awareness about the potential use of technology to combat crime in the country.

In 2022, the Nigerian government mandated residents of the country to synchronize their Subscriber Identification Modules (SIMs) with their National Identification Numbers (NINs) to bolster security. However, despite the policy, kidnappers continue to place untraceable calls to the families of their victims. Isa Pantami, the former Nigerian Minister of Communications and Digital Economy who spearheaded the initiative, faced criticism for seeking funds to pay ransom for certain kidnapped victims earlier this year. Pantami, however, shifted blame to security agencies, accusing them of not efficiently utilizing the policy to trace criminals.

Zainab Dabo, a Nigerian political analyst, argues that a lack of commitment and political will by the government is contributing to the crisis. According to her, the Nigerian security forces are under-equipped to confront rogue non-state actors.

“Security operatives have arms that are not as sophisticated as those of the kidnappers. While our security forces are well-trained, the lack of proper armament turns confronting terrorists into a perilous mission,” she told IPS.

Dabo also alleged that there are insiders within the Nigerian security infrastructure who are aiding terrorists. “For insecurity to persist for this long, it indicates elite connivance not only among security operatives but also among politicians and traditional rulers,” she added.

Joshua Madaki, a Kaduna resident kidnapped from his home by armed gangs on the evening of December 21, 2021, shares the same view as Dabo. Madaki, who said he spent 17 days in captivity, was abducted alongside 36 others from his community. He disclosed that while ransom negotiations were ongoing, the criminals killed six of the victims as a warning to their families.

“Insecurity in Nigeria is very complicated, but it seems the government is not ready to take action to tackle it,” said Badasi Bello, whose younger sister was kidnapped in Sokoto State, northwest Nigeria, in 2023.

Amnesty International has advised the Nigerian government to regard the kidnapping crisis in the country as an emergency and to take measures to solve the problem.

However, kidnapping continues, including the mass kidnapping of schoolchildren. Last week (Thursday, August 7, 2024), 287 children were abducted from two schools in Kaduna State. UNICEF Representative in Nigeria, Cristian Munduate, said in a statement that the act was “part of a worrying trend of attacks on educational institutions in Nigeria, particularly in the northwest, where armed groups have intensified their campaign of violence and kidnappings.”

Then, on March 10, 15 pupils were abducted from the Islamic seminary in Gidan Bakuso, Sokoto State, while they slept, according to the Associated Press.

Munduate said UNICEF was coordinating with local officials and assisting parents and families with psychological support services.

“Every child deserves to grow up in an environment of peace, away from the looming shadows of threats and insecurity. Unfortunately, we are currently facing a significant deterioration in community safety, with children disproportionately suffering the consequences of this decline in security,” Munduate said.

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The US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, with CAF President, Dr Patrice Motsepe while on tour in Africa. Some commentators have questioned the effectiveness of US foreign policy in Africa. Credit: CAF media

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Jan 30 2024 (IPS)

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s week-long tour across four African countries was aimed at strengthening the US-Africa relationship—a relationship, according to some commentators, already waning as China and Russia are increasing their influence.

Blinken made his first stop in Cape Verde, a small island in West Africa, where he engaged Prime Minister Ulisses Correia e Silva in discussions and reiterated the US dedication to deepening and expanding its collaborations with Africa. Continuing his diplomatic journey, he then proceeded to Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and concluded his tour in Angola.

While Blicken, on his tour, touted the US as a crucial economic and security ally for Africa, particularly during times of regional and global challenges, analysts say that US foreign policy towards Africa has suggested that the continent may have been “pushed to the back burner.” Their assertions are not baseless.

At the US-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington in November 2022, President Joe Biden made commitments to support democracy in Africa and announced his endorsement for a permanent seat for the African Union at the Group of 20. Biden also promised to visit the continent but that dream never materialised as Washington was preoccupied with a host of global challenges, such as the war in Gaza and the Russia-Ukraine war.

Addressing questions about Biden’s unsuccessful visit during an interview in Nigeria, Blinken defended the president by saying, “It is just the opposite. The President very much wants to come to Africa. We have [had] 17 cabinet-level or department-level officials come since the Africa Leaders Summit.”

US Counterproductive Counter-terrorism Fight

In Abidjan, the capital of Ivory Coast, Secretary of State Antony Blinken pledged USD 45 million to bolster security along the West African coast. This commitment extends the funding for an ongoing program in the region, bringing the total to USD 300 million. Blinken commended the Ivorian military for their counterinsurgency efforts in combating armed groups, acknowledging the difficulty of the region’s location between Mali and Burkina Faso and recognizing hotspots for violence in the Sahel.

For over two decades, the US has made consistent efforts to enhance security and promote democracy, particularly in the Sahel. However, despite these investments, terrorism persists, leading to frequent coups that pose a continuous threat to the stability of the continent.

Last year saw President Mohamed Bazoum of the Niger Republic—a crucial US ally—forcibly ousted from power by disgruntled US–trained military officers. This coup dealt a significant blow to Niger’s sprouting democracy, as President Bazoum had ascended to power through the country’s first democratic elections. Moreover, it marked a setback to the longstanding US endeavours to foster democracy in the Sahel.

Facing international pressure, the coup plotters justified their actions by pointing to President Bazoum’s perceived inability to effectively address the threat of insurgency in the country, despite substantial investments by the US in regional security.

Since 2012, the US has allocated more than USD 500 million in security assistance to Niger, positioning it as the leading recipient of US military aid in West Africa and the second-highest in sub-Saharan Africa.

In addition to having troops on the ground, the US currently operates a drone base in sub-Saharan Africa, a USD 100 million facility based in Agadez. However, despite these advancements, counterinsurgency operations funded by taxpayers have given rise to splinter groups associated with jihadist militancy, causing distress in villages and towns.

Experts attribute the insurgency in Sub-Saharan Africa to the US-led invasion of Libya, which failed to bring stability to the country and resulted in the proliferation of arms and violent groups across the region when foreign fighters, especially the Turareg rebels loyal to Libya’s dictator, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, fled the country after his death.

A recent report by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a US defense department research institution, indicates that the Sahel experienced the largest increase in violent events linked to militant Islamists in the past year compared to any other region in Africa, with 2,737 violent events. The report notes that attacks linked to militant Islamist groups in the Sahel have surged by 3,500% since 2016.

“If the US had not destabilised Libya, there is no way Nigeria, Mali, Niger, Chad, and Burkina Faso would have been in chaos,” argues Zainab Dabo, a Nigerian-based political analyst.

“With military takeovers in [West Africa], along with a general distrust for the West, Blinken is here to offer an irresistible package of promises in a bid to remain relevant, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, where Russia is gaining influence,’’ she added.

For the US, Russia’s expanding influence in Africa is a cause for worry. The rivalry between the two nations intensified significantly following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Russia justified its actions by citing the US-led NATO expansion in Ukraine, which it deemed a threat. Although the US has refrained from direct involvement in the conflict, it has provided substantial financial and military assistance to Ukraine.

Meanwhile, tensions between the US and Russia are escalating in Africa. This is evident as coup plotters, many of whom have undergone military training in the US, are now ditching the West to seek military support from the Russian-backed private military Wagner group in their efforts to combat terrorism. Russia is also actively seeking to gain influence in Africa and challenge the dominance of the dollar through the BRICS.

However, while the Biden administration is considering designating the Wagner Group, a Russian group, as a terrorist organisation for its human rights violations, the US has always shied away from its own misdeeds in Africa.

US military partnerships on the continent have been marred by a record of human rights abuses, fostering distrust of Western influence.

In Nigeria, where Blicken promised support for improved security, a US-Nigerian airstrike in 2017 hit a refugee camp in Raan, near the Cameroon border, killing at least 115.  Until today, no one has been held accountable for the massacre, and the victims have not gotten justice.

In Somalia, where the US military has conducted numerous airstrikes against the Islamic Jihad group Al-Shabaab for more than a decade, civilian casualties have become inevitable, many leaving family members in agony and with no hope of justice.

In 2020, Amnesty International slammed the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) for killing a woman and a young child in an airstrike in Somalia. Despite the families of the victims of this strike contacting the US Mission to Somalia, Amnesty International reported that neither US diplomatic staff nor AFRICOM had reached out to them to offer reparation.

US, China, Russia and the Scramble for Africa

According to Frank Tietie, a lawyer and human rights activist in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital, Blinken’s visit coincides with a period when America’s influence is perceived to be at a low point in the recent scramble for Africa. Tietie maintains that the US needs to go beyond merely advocating for democracy and should actively match China and Russia’s efforts by deploying both financial and developmental resources.

Since 2003, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has experienced a substantial increase, rising from a modest USD 74.8 million in 2003 to USD 5.4 billion in 2018. Although it saw a decline to USD 2.7 billion in 2019, the trend reversed, despite the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, with a resurgence to USD 4.2 billion in 2020. However, concerns arise regarding China’s infrastructural investments and over USD 170 billion worth of loans in Africa, which are perceived as exploitative, given the expectation of natural resources in exchange.

During a meeting with President João Lourenço of Angola, Blinken praised the advancements in one of the US’s most significant investments in Africa: the construction of the Lobito Corridor, a crucial rail link for metals exports from the central African Copper Belt. However, for Tietie, who holds that the US is bent on containing the influence of Russia and China in Africa, such developments are insufficient.

“The gospel of democracy by the Americans [in Africa] has not been able to match the alluring and tantalising presence of the Chinese with their loans and offer to exploit natural resources in exchange for cash. The Americans must do more than ordinary promises, many of which we have had in the past that have not translated to growth and development for African countries,” Tietie told IPS.

For Dabo, Africa, which she described as “the land of opportunities,” will keep being exploited for its natural resources by the US and China if the US does not put its capacities to good use.

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Bukes Saliu, a forklift driver, is a Nigerian woman who challenging stereotypes. Credit: Promise Eze/IPS

By Promise Eze
LAGOS, Sep 28 2023 (IPS)

Bukes Saliu wakes up very early every workday to beat the gruesome Lagos traffic to head to a job quite unusual for a woman to engage in Nigeria. She is a forklift operator in one of the busy depots in the coastal city, a task traditionally meant for men in the West African country.

In a country where women are seen as second-class citizens and whose roles are expected to be confined to the kitchen, Saliu is not letting patriarchal norms put her in a box.

“People are always thrilled when I tell them what I do. Sometimes I get snide remarks from some men I work with, but I don’t allow that to get to me,” Saliu says.

In August 2022, her curiosity was piqued when she came across a post on WhatsApp from her friend featuring a woman confidently posed beside a forklift machine. That ignited her interest in the job. Soon after, she enrolled in training to become a skilled forklift operator.

“It was a change of career path for me. I used to be a project manager with a non-profit, but I left the job to be a forklift operator. The first day I started work, I was a bit afraid, but now I operate the machine like any other man would do. I believe that women should be allowed at the table because it brings different perspectives, ideas, and experiences,” she adds.

Patriarchy Lives in Nigeria

Discrimination against women has been a serious problem in Nigeria. Women still grapple with an array of challenges and are marginalized despite the Nigerian constitution providing for gender equality and nondiscrimination

Women face a heavier burden of violence, and different types of bias, which creates significant obstacles in their quest for gender equality. This is frequently caused by unfair laws, religious and cultural traditions, gender stereotypes, limited education opportunities, and the unequal impact of poverty on women.

Although the government has attempted to tackle these deep-rooted issues, the pace of progress remains sluggish. Women’s representation within politics and decision-making spheres remains poor. For example, out of a total of 15,307 candidates in the 2023 general elections, only 1,550 were women. Only three women were elected as senators as against nine in the last election, and only one woman emerged as a presidential candidate.

Women are often excluded from economic prospects. Within Nigeria’s populace exceeding 200 million, a mere 60.5 million people contribute to its labor force. Among this workforce, around 27.1 million women participate, a significant portion of whom find themselves involved in low-skilled employment. Nigeria’s position on the World Economic Forum’s Gender Gap Index is a lowly 123rd out of 156 nations.

Swimming Against the Tide

A limited number of women are challenging conventional gender norms for the purpose of livelihood, stepping into roles that are male dominated in Nigeria. However, this transition is often met with resistance and negative reactions.

In 2021, Iyeyemi Adediran gained widespread attention for her exceptional mastery of driving long-haul trucks for oil companies. However, despite her remarkable skill, the then 26-year-old shared that she faced derogatory remarks for daring to break gender norms associated with truck driving—an occupation traditionally considered male-dominated.

In 2015, Sandra Aguebor, Nigeria’s first female mechanic, gained widespread attention for her all-female garages across the country. However, she revealed that her mother initially did not support her ambitions, believing that fixing cars should only be done by men.

Faith Oyita, a shoemaker in Benue State, Nigeria, is not letting patriarchal norms stop her. Despite Aba, a growing men-led market in southeast Nigeria, dominating the shoemaking industry, Oyita has been determined to make a name for herself since 2015, even though she resides kilometers away. She says she has trained over 300 other people on how to make shoes.

“When I first started, I didn’t care about the challenges that came with shoemaking. I had a deep passion for it, and I wanted to beautify people’s legs. Even though it was a skill dominated by men, I was determined to do things differently. I knew that greatness doesn’t come from convenience. In the beginning, many people questioned why I chose shoemaking. Even the man who taught me was hesitant and doubted my potential. I was the only female among all his apprentices, and many assumed that I came because I wanted to date him. Despite all the negative remarks, I never gave up,” she tells IPS.

Patriarchy Came Through Colonialism

“A lot of what is happening today is not how we originally lived our lives as Nigerian women. Patriarchy actually entered our society during the colonial era. Before colonization, both men and women were able to do things without being restricted by gender. Historically, women were involved in trading goods and services, and they could even marry multiple wives for themselves.

“However, when the colonialists arrived, they distorted our culture and, using religion, promoted the idea that men held more power. We should strive to correct this narrative. It’s unfortunate that we have been socialized to believe that men should always be in leadership positions and that women should only be in a man’s home,” says Añuli Aniebo Ola-Olaniyi, Executive Director, HEIR Women Hub.

Speaking further, Ola-Olaniyi argues that women who want to break gender norms must have a change of mindset and be ready to face challenges.

“The country that colonized us has their women driving buses and flying planes. They have progressed from where they colonized us. But Nigeria has failed to empower its women. When a Nigerian woman does something that is traditionally seen as only for men, it is seen as a big accomplishment. However, she has always been capable of doing those things. It’s just that the opportunities were not available. I don’t even think it’s a switch in gender roles. I believe that women are simply starting to realize their potential,” she tells IPS.

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Université Abdou Moumouni de Niamey students stage a protest in support of Russia and the coup plotters. Credit: Abdoulaye Hali Aboubacar

By Promise Eze
SOKOTO, NIGERIA, Aug 7 2023 (IPS)

On July 26 2023 a man named Colonel-Major Amadou Abdramane, flanked by soldiers with military fatigues, appeared on Niger’s national television to announce the execution of a coup. It was the country’s fourth coup since it gained independence from France in 1960.

“The defence and security forces have decided to put an end to the regime you are familiar with. This follows the continuous deterioration of the security situation, the bad social and economic management,” he said.

The country’s president Mohamed Bazoum, who came to power in 2021 through Niger’s first democratic elections, was removed, and his government, including the constitution, was suspended.

Before the announcement of the coup, President Bazoum had been held captive in the presidential palace. This was unexpected, as earlier in the year, Bazoum had dismissed the possibility of a military coup during an interview. However, he was ultimately overthrown by the very people who were supposed to protect him—the Presidential Guard.

Two days later, the Presidential Guard commander General Abdourahamane Tchiani was proclaimed as the new leader of the country following the army’s support of the sudden military takeover.

The recent military takeover in Niger has reverberated through the international community, shocking those who regarded the country as a bulwark against the encroachment of democratic backsliding in the region.

Niger faced widespread international condemnation following the military coup. The European Union, the United States, France, and the West African regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), were among those who unequivocally condemned the coup. France issued a stern warning, threatening to respond firmly to any violence directed at its diplomatic mission in Niger or its citizens and interests.

While this may not be the first coup in Niger, and it certainly isn’t the first in the Sahel or West Africa. In recent years, the region has witnessed a series of coups where military officers have seized power from elected government officials, driven by their frustration with the increasing incidents of terrorism, corruption, and political instability in West Africa.

In January 2022, Burkina Faso witnessed two coups, which were triggered by the deteriorating security situation and the President’s perceived inability to effectively address challenges, notably the Islamist insurgency.

Similarly, Mali experienced coups in both 2020 and 2021, indicating the volatility of its political landscape. In 2021, President Alpha Condé of Guinea was overthrown in a coup d’état by the country’s armed forces following gunfire in the capital, Conakry.

These three nations share notable similarities: they are located in West Africa, have unstable political systems, face regular jihadist threats, and were once under French colonial rule.

Analysts argue that these coups represent direct threats to democracy in West Africa, undermining the principles of democratic governance in the region.

“The coup represents a significant setback for the small but crucial developmental strides made by West Africa and the entire African continent towards more people-oriented governance, even if not perfect. It’s disheartening to see these gains being nullified. This unsettling development raises concerns about the potential for more coups across Africa in the years to come, which is a distressing prospect. Moreover, it is likely to exacerbate insecurity, particularly terrorism, as violent non-state actors may seize the opportunity to emerge,” says Timothy Avele, a security expert, and Managing Director of Agent-X Security, based in Lagos, Nigeria.

Ibrahim Baba Shatambaya, a lecturer at the Department of Political Science, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, holds the view that the army’s actions in Niger were motivated by a desire to break free from France’s long-standing control and exploitation of its former colonial territories.

“The coup stands as evidence that democracy is facing challenges in Africa, and it reflects the inability of ECOWAS to ensure that leaders in the West African sub-region meet the expectations of their people,” he adds.

For the Love of Uranium

In French West Africa, there has been a significant rise in anti-French sentiments, which is considered a key factor driving the military coups in the region.

Many people hold France responsible for contributing to the region’s instability through military interventions.

Despite maintaining military bases and promising to combat Jihadism, violence and attacks persist, leading to suspicions that France might have a hand in terrorist activities.

Critics also argue that France has taken advantage of the region’s resources while failing to break colonial ties. For instance, Niger, the world’s fifth-largest uranium producer, supplies nearly a quarter of the European Union’s uranium, used for electricity production. However, despite its resource wealth, Niger remains one of the world’s poorest countries, with a poorly diversified economy heavily reliant on agriculture. More than 41% of the population lives in extreme poverty, according to the World Bank’s data from 2021.

Furthermore, Orano (formerly Areva), a French state-controlled nuclear fuel producer, faces accusations of leaving behind large amounts of radioactive waste in Niger, posing health risks to local communities. There are also concerns about insufficient protection for workers against radiation. Orano has also been embroiled in bribery allegations in Southern Africa.

The French-backed CFA currency, used by 14 nations in West and Central Africa, including Niger, has faced criticism for enabling France to maintain control over the economies of its former colonies. This currency system requires member countries to deposit 50% of their currency reserves with the Banque de France and is pegged to the euro.

French President Emmanuel Macron has made efforts to distance himself from France’s colonial past in Africa and advocate for a new approach based on partnership. However, deep-rooted suspicions and grievances persist.

Long Live Russia, Goodbye France 

About ten years ago, Mali sought military assistance from France when Islamic militants threatened the capital, Bamako. France’s arrival was initially hailed as heroic, but its presence in the West African nation did not yield long-term improvements. Instead, terrorist groups with ties to al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and the Islamic State of the Greater Sahara carried out devastating attacks. Mali even blamed the French for arming terrorists.

Diplomatic relations between Paris and Bamako began to deteriorate following a coup in May 2021 and resistance against democratic elections in January 2022. Consequently, Mali expelled the French and embraced the Wagner Group, a Russian mercenary organisation, which has gained influence in Africa.

The Wagner Group has gained notoriety for its involvement in the internal affairs of multiple African nations, offering military and security assistance to advance Moscow’s influence across the continent. Disturbingly, it has faced accusations of perpetrating massacres and acts of rape. However, despite these alleged atrocities, many discontented young Africans harbour a sense of indifference towards Wagner’s actions, as their grievances with France and the West take precedence in their perspective.

Burkina Faso also expelled the French, with thousands of people rallying in the capital, Ouagadougou, in support of a military takeover that ousted President Roch Kabore. Russian flags were displayed in the streets, and some demonstrators urged Moscow to replace France in the fight against jihadists.

Even in Niger, celebrations backing the coup plotters have swept across the country, gaining momentum despite calls for a return to democracy. There are also reports of the Niger junta meeting with the Wagner Group in Mali to seek military support.

“Nigeriens harbour deep grievances against France for various reasons, primarily due to the exploitation of our resources, which disproportionately benefits France. An evident illustration of this disparity is the supply of French electricity sourced from our uranium, while we remain 80% dependent on another country (Nigeria) for our energy needs.

“Another major concern is the issue of terrorism. Despite the presence of over a thousand French soldiers in the country with the stated objective of combating terrorists, they seem unable to effectively confront the threat. Instead, our population and soldiers bear the brunt of the attacks, leaving us vulnerable and disheartened.

“As an alternative, many Nigeriens view Russia as a potential saviour in the face of their escalating tensions with France and the rest of the world. Russia’s involvement in the terrorist conflict in Mali, particularly through the actions of the Wagner Group, has further fueled this perception,’’ Abdoulaye Hali Aboubacar, a student at the Université Abdou Moumouni de Niamey, tells IPS.

ECOWAS Versus Niger

The growing presence of the Wagner group is clear evidence that ECOWAS has failed to do its homework. However, the new government of ECOWAS is poised to make a difference.

After taking over as the Chairman of ECOWAS on July 9, President Bola Tinubu made a firm statement, stating that the region would not accept any more successful coups, as it had experienced five of them since 2020.

A mere 15 days after Tinubu’s resolute speech, the government in Niger was overthrown by officers.

In response to the crisis, Tinubu took immediate action and presided over an emergency ECOWAS summit in Abuja. Several sanctions were implemented, and notably, for the first time in the bloc’s history, it demanded that the putschists restore constitutional order under the risk of facing the potential use of force.

However, there are apprehensions regarding ECOWAS, which has faced criticism for its limited ability to address coup regimes and its alleged neglect of crucial underlying issues like corruption and poverty. Some argue that ECOWAS’s response to the coup might be influenced by how the news of it was received in the Western world.

“It is advisable for Nigeria-led ECOWAS to introspect before escalating the already precarious situation in Niger. The current trajectory could turn Niger into a battleground for foreign powers to settle scores, leading to a dangerous quagmire if not handled carefully by the authorities, especially Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu and his advisers,” Avele cautions.

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Nigerian law protects widows, but the reality they face is quite different.

By Promise Eze
SOKOTO, NIGERIA, Aug 3 2023 (IPS)

In February this year, Chichi Okonkwo not only lost her husband but was stripped of everything they owned together. Her husband was severely injured in a car accident about a month earlier. Despite being rushed to a hospital in Enugu, where they resided, he succumbed to his injuries weeks later. To compound her grief, Okonkwo’s late husband’s male siblings forcibly entered her home in the city a few hours after his passing, confiscating her husband’s land documents, car, money, clothes, and marriage certificate.

In the wake of these heart-wrenching events, Okonkwo was left with nothing but her six children. The eldest is just 18.

“They took everything my husband and I owned and forcibly evicted me and my children from our home,” laments Okonkwo. “They heartlessly claimed that, as a widow, I had no rights to any of my late husband’s possessions.”

Okonkwo’s children are now out of school because she was a housewife who depended on her husband’s income and is now left with nothing. She revealed that her late husband’s siblings, who seized and were aware of his bank PIN, callously left her with a mere 1 000 naira (approximately USD 2) out of the 2 million naira ($2,600) he had in his account.

Okonkwo said her husband’s relatives swore to drag her to court to challenge her rights, but she cannot afford a lawyer due to her financial situation.

In Nigeria, there are around 15 million widows.

Unfortunately, widows in the country often face the denial of their basic human rights due to traditional and cultural practices rooted in patriarchal beliefs.

According to The World Bank, “In much of Africa, marriage is the sole basis for women’s access to social and economic rights, and these are lost upon divorce or widowhood.”

In a country like Nigeria, where men dominate the economic and political systems, women are often expected to be submissive. The challenges women face are particularly amplified when they become widows, creating a doubly marginalized subgroup. Moreover, this vulnerable position sometimes exposes widows to dehumanizing rituals and harmful practices.

These harmful practices include mourning rites that involve widows sleeping with their deceased husbands’ corpses, shaving of widows’ heads, seclusion, wearing black or white clothes, and being forced to sleep and sit on the floor or mat. Additionally, some widows are coerced into marrying other members of the deceased husband’s family.

Despite laws granting women the right to inherit their husbands’ assets, many widows can still not claim their rightful share of land and property.

Efforts to combat these practices, such as the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPP) enacted in 2015, have faced challenges in implementation and adoption by all states. According to the law, offenders are subject to a 500,000 naira ($648) fine or two years in prison. But arrests and prosecution of offenders are rare. And gender-based violence has persisted, which includes violence towards widows.

The enforcement of laws against offenders has been hindered by religious and cultural norms that promote silence and suppression of victimization cases. Victims often face threats or pressure from family members, community, or religious leaders whenever they try to report incidents to law enforcement.

Like Okonkwo, Sarah Temidayo’s life took a tragic turn when she lost her husband of four years to lung cancer in 2019. However, her grief was compounded by the actions of her husband’s relatives, who invaded her home in Lagos mere hours after his passing, intent on claiming everything that belonged to him. They even went so far as to take her wedding gown, certificates, and her then-five-year-old daughter’s clothes. Devastated and without recourse, Temitope sought justice through the legal system, but her efforts have yielded no results.

“I did not pick a pin out of my house. I had to start my life all over again,” she says.

Unfortunately, the nightmare did not end there for Temidayo. She was subjected to constant threats from her husband’s mother, who continued to torment her and accuse her of killing her son through witchcraft. These threats escalated to a terrifying climax when assassins attacked her at a bus stop in March 2021. She managed to survive, albeit with six bullets lodged in her leg. Despite reporting the incident to the police, no investigation was conducted, leaving her feeling abandoned by the system meant to protect her.

According to Ifeoma Oguejiofor, a legal practitioner in Southeast Nigeria, widows face challenges in seeking justice due to the understaffed courts, which can cause delays in the resolution of cases. Additionally, the financial burden of hiring a lawyer becomes a significant obstacle for many widows, making it difficult to access proper legal representation to handle their cases.

“There is a significant difference between the laws written in books and the actual pursuit of justice. According to the law, a surviving spouse, whether in a traditional marriage, a long period of cohabitation, or a marriage registered under the act, is entitled to inherit the estate of their deceased spouse. However, achieving justice through the legal system is often a prolonged and costly process, particularly for widows who have already lost a substantial portion of their assets to their husband’s relatives,” she explains.

“It’s high time the government, traditional rulers, and religious clerics enforce laws to protect widows in Nigeria. No woman should be discriminated against because she lost her husband,” says Hope Nwakwesi, the founder of Almanah Hope Foundation, a non-governmental organization focused on supporting Nigerian widows.

Nwakwesi, a widow who lost her police husband in 1994, endured distressing cultural rites, including having her hair shaved and wearing a mourning dress for a year. She faced further hardships as her relatives forcibly took her property, and she was expelled from her workplace and home in the police barracks. Despite seeking help, many, including police officers who offered assistance, demanded sexual favors in return.

Now, Nwakwesi is advocating for a bill in Nigeria’s legislative chamber. The bill aims to eradicate repressive cultural practices against widows and safeguard their fundamental human rights.

“My goal is to get the bill I’m fighting for approved and signed into law by the Senate. The current Violence Against Persons Prohibition Law is too vague and lacks specific clauses for protecting the rights of widows. Once the new bill becomes law, those who discriminate against widows will face arrest and prosecution by law enforcement agencies,” says Nwakwesi.

Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, a civil rights activist and founding director of Women Advocates Research and Documentation Centre, noted that “For the government to protect widows effectively, they should review and update existing laws related to widows’ rights to ensure they are comprehensive, enforceable, and in line with international human rights standards.”

“Merely having laws in place is not enough; the government must ensure their effective implementation at all levels of the justice system. This requires training and sensitizing law enforcement officials, judges, and legal practitioners on the rights of widows and the importance of protecting them,” she adds.

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