The Iranian Parliament will begin voting on President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s nominations for 21 cabinet positions on Wednesday. What makes this process unique is the inclusion of three women for ministerial posts, a fact that Ahmadinejad also pointed to during the three-day parliamentary debates on his nominations, which started on Aug. 30.

This is the first time that women have been proposed for cabinet posts in the 30-year history of the Islamic Republic.

The three nominations include current conservative MP Fatemeh Ajorloo as the minister of social welfare, Dr. Marzieh Dastjerdi as the minister of health, and Susan Keshavarz as the minister of education.

The nominations have come under attack by some conservatives. One of the strongest denunciations came from Fatemeh Rajabi, a staunch supporter of Ahmadinejad. Rajabi viewed the nominations as a step toward pushing “the harmful goals of feminists and secularists”.

Clerics too have voiced their opposition to the nominations. In an interview with the Farda News site, Mohammad Taghi Rahbar, head of the clerics’ faction in Parliament and an MP from Isfahan, said that at least two clerics from Qom opposed the nomination of women to ministerial positions, urging Ahmadinejad to reconsider.

“Only the approval of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei can change the negative opinion of the Ayatollahs in Qom, forcing members of parliament to vote in favour of the nominations,” Rahbar said.

If Khamenei does not speak in support of these nominations, according to Rahbar, the opinion of the clerics in Qom will set the tone on the issue.

The Friday Prayer leader of Mashad, Ayatollah Alam Alhadi, has said that the “nominations only please immoral feminists”.

Ayatollah Yousef Tabatabai-Nejad, the Friday Prayer Leader of Isfahan, has argued against the nominations on religious grounds, saying that “women who are ministers will have to be in regular contact with men and their male deputies, and will not be able to adhere fully to their religious obligations.”

But conservatives aren’t the only ones opposed to these nominations. Given Ahmadinejad’s poor record on women’s rights, many women’s rights activists have also expressed reservations. Ahmadinejad had earlier announced three criteria for the selection of his cabinet members, including a spirit of cooperation and commitment to the government’s agenda.

Based on this statement, many women’s rights activists, who have been fighting for equality, believe that the conservative women nominees will continue Ahmadinejad’s restrictive policies toward women, promoting policies that push women out of the social realm and into their homes.

According to Parvin Ardalan, a women’s rights activist and a member of the One Million Signatures Campaign, the least that Ahmadinejad could do for women would be to nominate them as ministers. But she is not hopeful about the nominations, saying that “the demands of women in society have increased. These nominations stand to only benefit the women in the Cabinet.”

Some women’s rights activists believe that Ahmadinejad’s move to nominate women as ministers is in line with his reputation of co-opting the agendas of opponents and is intended to deflect the criticism that has followed the elections and his contested presidency.

Ardalan is not hopeful about the intentions behind the nominations either.

“The conservative government will take advantage of populist strategies for its own political agenda. The government has introduced these women to parliament as ministers – an act which has faced criticism by clerics. If the Parliament does not approve the nominations or even if it does, in both cases Ahmadinejad is the victor, and he will be able to play the role of a hero,” she said.

Another issue of concern is the qualifications of the nominees. Keshavarz and Ajorloo have both been criticised for lack of management experience in the areas where they have been nominated.

Keshavarz comes to the post of education minister with a year’s experience as the deputy minister of education for children with mental disabilities, while Ajorloo does not have any management experience, except for in the Basij militia. Parliamentarians have also attacked both Ajorloo and Keshavarz for their lack of management experience.

Mahboube Hosseinzadeh, a journalist and women’s rights activist, is concerned about the nominations for the ministry of health and the ministry of social welfare.

“Ahmadinejad has nominated two women for posts in ministries which in the last four years have faced the highest level of criticism,” she said.

“Certainly the selection of female ministers for two ministries which are fraught with problems, and which just happen to have the most direct relations and contact with the public, will lead to serious discussions on whether women are indeed qualified and ready to take on higher management posts.”

The demand to nominate women to ministerial posts has been expressed by a segment of the women’s movement in Iran for some time.

The discussion on this issue came to the fore during the presidency of Mohammed Khatami, who nominated Masoumeh Ebtekar as his vice president and head of the department of the environment. In his second term, Khatami was faced with a formal demand by women’s rights activists to nominate women to cabinet positions. He was not able to meet the demand.

The issue of female ministers also arose in the last presidential elections, the results of which are still disputed. Mehdi Karroubi, the reformist candidate for president, was the first to propose the idea as part of his campaign platform.

The three candidates standing against Ahmadinejad were all committed to adopting programmes designed to advance women’s rights and to reform laws that discriminate against women.

Ahmadinejad was the only one who did not commit to advancing women’s rights as part of his election platform. This lack of commitment, according to many women’s rights activists, is in line with his regressive policies on women.

One of the first things that Ahmadinejad did as president in his first term was to change the name of the Centre on Women’s Participation to the Centre on Women and Families. His policies on women have followed a similar path, which work to reinforce the concept of women as mothers and wives first and foremost.

Additionally, several policies implemented during Ahmadinejad’s presidency especially targeted women. The Social Safety programme targeted women for arrest on the street for inappropriate Islamic dress or hejab.

During this same period, policies were adopted to restrict women’s access to higher education by placing quotas limiting the entrance of women into university and forcing women to attend university in their home cities. A controversial bill opposed by women’s rights activists sought to ease restrictions on polygamy.

Women’s rights advocates were also targeted during Ahmadinejad’s first term as president, with dozens arrested for publicly demanding equal rights.

Given this background, there is little cause for joy among women’s rights activists with respect to the nominations.

Still, Ardalan is hopeful on one issue. “If the argument on women as ministers is heightened, the conflict among conservatives on women’s issues and women’s rights will also come to a fore, increasing debate in this respect,” she said.

At continued public protests at Tehran’s Grand Bazaar Wednesday, demonstrators are expressing their discontent with the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, while the rifts among the ruling elites of the Islamic government widen.

The latest disputes are focused on allegations of rape in detention centres made in a letter issued by reformist cleric Mehdi Karoubi, former head of Parliament and presidential candidate who ran against Ahmadinejad in the contested elections in June. The letter has managed to create greater controversy than the earlier allegations of torture and murder in the prisons of the Islamic Republic, which emphasises and promotes propriety.

Karoubi’s letter, addressed to Hashemi Rafsanjani, the powerful head of the Expediency Council and the Assembly of Experts, expresses concern about reports of rape by those taken into custody during the recent unrest and urges Rafsanjani to set up an independent and unbiased committee under the direction of the Assembly of Experts to investigate the allegations.

“A number of those arrested have reported that some [officials] have raped women in their custody with such force resulting in severe injuries. On the other hand there are individuals who have violently raped young men in detention, resulting in serious physical and emotional problems,” stated Karoubi’s letter.

The letter, which was made public after ten days and – according to Karoubi’s son – because there was no response from Rafsanjani, also suggested that the issue be taken up with Ali Khamenei the Supreme Leader, if appropriate. Rafsanjani later stated that he had taken up the issue with Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi, the head of the Judiciary.

In an interview on Thursday with Saham News – an internet news site close to Karoubi – the high ranking cleric explained that the head of the Judiciary had agreed to investigate the allegations of sexual assault in prisons.

The letter has caused quite a stir among some high level conservative officials who were quick to dismiss the charges.

Ali Larijani, the Head of the Parliament, dismissed the claims at the start of the session of Parliament Wednesday. According to Larijani, the special Parliamentary Committee set up to investigate the situation of those in detention, and claims of human rights abuses following the election unrest, had examined claims of rape and found no evidence in support of the allegations. The dismissal by Larijani Wednesday takes place after he suggested earlier in the week that should Karoubi have evidence in support of his allegations, he should submit it to the Parliamentary Committee which would investigate.

Alaedin Boroujerdi, the head of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission of Parliament also dismissed the claims. He explained that according to Judge Mortazavi – who discussed these claims with Hossein Karoubi, the son of Mehdi Karoubi – the only evidence supporting such allegations were telephone calls made to the Etemad Melli Daily, a newspaper affiliated with Karoubi’s political party.

Since the letter was made public, Karoubi has been the target of harsh criticism by the hard-line Keyhan Daily newspaper, which is close to Ahmadinejad and the Supreme Leader.

In an editorial, Hossein Shariatmadari, the editor of Keyhan called the claims baseless and called on the Judiciary to force Karoubi to prove his claims or be prosecuted.

But, Mir Hossein Mousavi, former Prime Minister and ostensibly defeated presidential candidate and Majid Ansari, member of the Central Council of the Society of Combatant Clerics, defended Karoubi’s claims. In an interview with the government news agency IRNA Thursday, Ansari claimed that the issue of rape in prisons was a fact and the evidence had been submitted to officials. “Regretfully these [allegations] are true. It seems that the situation has deteriorated so much in the Islamic Republic that such atrocities can in fact occur,” claimed Ansari who is a cleric and also a member of the Expediency Council.

In his interview with Saham News, Karoubi, expressed regret about the fact that Larijani and Boroujerdi dismissed claims of sexual assault in prison before even having had the chance to investigate the issue. He went on to say that the claims made in the letter were based on evidence provided by victims who had confided in him, or accounts by witnesses. “So, I am not someone who would write such a letter without evidence or based on a phone call or unsubstantiated claim,” said Karoubi.

While criticising the prevalent atmosphere of fear and violence, which makes it impossible for victims fearing retribution to come forward, Karoubi called for an independent committee to examine the claims of sexual abuse in prisons. He went further, saying, “I am telling officials that these insults and criticisms will not force me into silence, I have endured such slander over the past 20 years and I will continue to defend the rights of the people for as long as I am alive.”

During a meeting with human rights lawyers earlier in the week, Mohsen Rezaiee, the conservative candidate standing against Ahmadinejad in the Presidential races, also said “if these reports are true, we have to declare public mourning in the country.” He has since vowed to follow the cases of those in detention personally.

The issue of human rights abuses and death resulting from torture in prisons became a cause for official concern when it was announced that Mohsen Rooh-ol-Amini, 25, the son of a senior advisor to Mohsen Rezaiee died in Kahrizak prison as a result of injuries due to beatings he received in detention.

While reports of deaths in custody or deaths after release resulting for injuries received while in custody had been made prior to Rooh-ol-Amini’s death, they were not taken seriously by conservative officials. After the death of Rooh-ol-Amini, a special committee was set up by the parliament to investigate the situation of prisons. Kahrizak prison was also shut down on order of the Supreme Leader, who cited substandard conditions.

Since the fiasco, several parliamentarians have called for the ousting of Police Chief Ismail Ahmadi Moghaddam. In an editorial published in Parliament News, the news site of the reformist faction of Parliament, Jamshid Ansari, a reformist parliamentarian, called on Ahmadi Moghaddam to resign or else be dismissed. “It would have been appropriate for Mr. Ahmadi Moghaddam to bravely take responsibility for all that events that have transpired,” said Jamshid Ansari.

A statement issued by the reformist party Mojaheddin-e Enghalab, blamed Ahmadinejad and Minister of Interior Sadegh Mahsouli for the atrocities at Kahrizak. “Any action to address these developments without taking into account the roles of these officials would be insufficient, raising concerns about the possibility of such atrocities being repeated in the future.”

After the closure of Kahrizak prison, and calls for investigation into allegations of torture and death, the police chief dismissed claims that any prisoners had been killed while in detention, stating that the two reported deaths of Rooh-ol-Amini and Mohammad Kamrani resulted from a case of meningitis. The police chief further claimed that the head of the prison had been fired from his post and that disciplinary measures would be taken against a few guards and officials.

The response of the police chief has left many – even in conservative camps – unsatisfied. Ali Mottahari a conservative MP claimed the efforts of the Police Chief to be insufficient and called for disclosure of the names of those responsible, in an effort to ensure that they would be prosecuted.

Meanwhile, Abdulhossein Rooh-ol-Amini has stated that those responsible for the death of his son should be identified and prosecuted. Abulhossein Rooh-ol-Amini has claimed that in an effort to prevent similar atrocities in the future, those responsible should face the punishment of ‘qesas’ or retribution, which can be implemented in cases of wrongful death – should family members choose.

When incumbent Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad arrived at parliament by helicopter to take the presidential oath in front of the members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the setting resembled a country under military rule.

According to reports, nearly 5,000 military personnel, police and plain clothes security and Basij militiamen were present outside the parliament building Wednesday to disperse the thousands who planned to protest Ahmadinejad’s inauguration.

Despite the measure, and the closure of two of the metro stations in the area near parliament, Iranians managed to gather outside the building to protest the inauguration – they were dispersed and several were reportedly arrested.

Ahmadinejad took an oath to uphold the constitution of the Islamic Republic as president despite the fact that key figures such as Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, the head of the Expediency Council and the Assembly of Experts, former President Mohammad Khatami, reformist presidential candidates Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karoubi, as well as conservative candidate Mohsen Rezaie were absent from the ceremony.

Nearly 60 reformist members of the parliament as well as some conservative members who had earlier vowed to boycott the event were also absent.

According to Parliament News, the site of the reformist members of the Parliament, approximately 20 persons left the event once Ahmadinejad began his inaugural speech.

The head of the parliament, Ali Larijani, offered a few words of advice for Ahmadinejad – whose reinstatement for a second term as president has faced widespread opposition and protest by the public. In reference to management shortcomings in his first term and his inability to recruit qualified ministers, Larijani advised Ahmadinejad to “devise programs in line with overall national policies, and recruit numerous experienced experts in the task of managing the country.”

Larijani also emphasised that the approval of ministers by the parliament would take into account both their experience as well as their educational backgrounds.

In his inaugural speech, Ahmadinejad remarked that the “Iranian public was not waiting for congratulatory messages on the occasion of [his] inauguration from foreign governments.”

Several European governments had announced that given the unrest in Iran and the dispute over his presidency, they would not send a message of congratulations to Ahmadinejad on his second term. In line with these policies, few ambassadors participated in the inaugural ceremony, sending representatives instead.

Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, who was also present at the inaugural ceremony, did not address recent criticisms launched against the judiciary and his leadership of it with respect to recent arrests, substandard and illegal detention centres, and the deaths of some in custody.

Following the inaugural events, sporadic protests and conflicts between Iranians and police were reported throughout Tehran, including in the Grand Bazaar district. Throughout the city and the main squares the heavy presence of police and military, as well as Basiji militia, could be seen well into the evening.

On Monday, too, thousands of protesters hit the streets of Tehran following a ceremony during which Ali Khamenie, the Leader of the Islamic Republic, officially endorsed Ahmadinejad’s presidency.

The ceremony was attended by Shahroudi, Larijani and Rezaie. During this event as well, powerful opposition figures like Hashemi Rafsanjani, Khatami, Mousavi and Karoubi were absent.

Both Mousavi and Karoubi, who have contested the election results, citing fraud, have refused to accept Ahmadinejad’s government as legitimate. In an interview on Tuesday with El Pais, the Spanish newspaper, Karoubi reiterated his and Mousavi’s position on the Jun. 12 elections. Karoubi vowed that he and Mousavi would continue to protest and would not collaborate with the government of Ahmadinejad.

According to Ghalam News, Mousavi, at a meeting with youth supporters Wednesday claimed that continued protests signify that the broad arrests have had little impact on the opposition movement.

“Some believed that if they arrested a group involved in political parties, or those they believed to be leaders of the protests, then protests would die down,” he said. “But the continuation of protests at the national level demonstrates that the arrests have had no impact on this movement and the large networks of citizens who object to illegal developments have not suffered and will continue.”

Over the weekend and leading up to the inaugural ceremonies, Iranian authorities opened a mass trial of individuals arrested in recent weeks. Among the 100 on trial were dozens of prominent reformist figures accused of fomenting a ‘velvet revolution.’ Those on trial appeared in the courtroom clad in prison uniforms and accompanied by police officers, their lawyers conspicuously absent from the proceedings.

It is the first time in the history of the Islamic Republic that former high- ranking officials, including vice presidents and ministers, have been brought to trial in this manner.

According to human rights advocates, those on trial have been denied access to their lawyers for the duration of their time in detention. Many reports have indicated that they were under extreme pressure, being held in solitary confinement with little or no access to their families. Many reports have also claimed that those in prison have been tortured in an effort to extract false confessions, condemning themselves and other reformist leaders.

Among those confessing to past wrongs was the normally jovial former vice president Ali Abtahi, who had lost a considerable amount of weight and looked distressed, as well as Mohammad Atrianfar, a close former aide of Rafsanjani and founder of several reformist newspapers.

The courtroom confessions, which were followed by interviews of the defendants on state television, centred on three main themes: praise for the Leader, denial of election fraud, and involvement in efforts intent on undermining or overthrowing the Islamic state.

According to one political analyst interviewed by IPS, the event was intent on restoring some of the respect that Khamenei had lost as a result of his support for Ahmadinejad, excusing the harsh crackdown following the elections, justifying election results and calming down the country in the days leading up to the inauguration.

“The only thing that we can do is to accept that this was the showing of a scenario devised by the imagination of conservative government forces,” said the analyst. “They were looking to have a couple of people fill in each role in an attempt to complete the pre-devised scenario. It is clear that these individuals were tortured and pressured.”

Hard-line conservatives have also called on the Judiciary to take up the task of trying Mousavi and Khatami.

The recent developments, including the imprisonment and trial of reformists, have created a rift among the political elite of the country that signifies a difficult presidency ahead for Ahmadinejad.

According to an analyst interviewed by IPS, “Ahmadinejad suffers from a serious lack of legitimacy at home. The rift extends to conservatives as well, so the first and major challenge facing Ahmadinejad is the confirmation of his ministers by parliament in the days and weeks ahead. The task may prove difficult.”