Awuissa Walla has no regrets over choosing farming as a profession. He earned a degree in agronomy a decade ago, and borrowing money from friends, set himself up on an 18-hectare plot at Badja, some 50 kilometres from Lomé, the Togolese capital.

“We often say here that you can never go wrong with the land, and I can confirm this as I’m in the business myself,” the 40-year-old Walla told IPS.

“I grow a wide range of things to try to get the most from my farm,” he said. His land is dotted with all sorts of fruit, especially oranges, lemons, mandarins, bananas and pineapple.

Part of the land is dedicated to coconut and oil palms, and there is a stand of teak and heaps for yams in another corner, but his main crop is maize.

“I grow maize on eight hectares and I usually harvest four tonnes per season – around 40 sacks of maize,” he said. He plants maize twice a year, harvesting it three months later and earning about 1,250 dollars from each crop.

Walla has hired sharecroppers who use modern methods to increase their production, including a tractor. Some of the crops are irrigated using water from a borehole on the property.

He is also a beneficiary of a programme set up by the Togolese government to supply farmers with fertiliser, the 1.3 billion dollar National Investment Programme in Agriculture (PNIASA).

PNIASA has made 30,000 tonnes of fertiliser available to farmers each year at heavily subsidised prices, the programme paying roughly a third of the cost of this vital farm input.

The Togolese government wants to bring the country’s subsistence agriculture sector into a true market economy, and has indicated that improving the quality and availability of seed will be its next priority.

“The government has helped us with seed and fertiliser, which has allowed us to have a good harvest,” said Donné Amémadon, a smallholder in Tsévié, north of Lomé.

Each of the country’s last three growing seasons smashed records for grain production, particularly for maize and sorghum: climbing from around 31,000 tonnes in 2009 to 95,000 tonnes in 2010 and 110,000 tonnes in 2011.

The surplus was sold through the National Food Security Agency (ANSAT) to the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) for use in other African countries. At the beginning of this year, WFP bought 8,000 tonnes of maize, as compared to 6,000 last year.

On Apr. 7, WFP and ANSAT signed a new contract under which Togo will supply 10,300 tonnes of maize to famine-stricken Niger, at a cost of 4.8 million dollars which will be paid directly to producers. WFP will also buy a further 6,000 tonnes of grain destined for Ghana.

In addition to the country’s support for smallholders, farmers have been blessed with favourable weather.

“Our country still enjoys excellent rainfall which, in combination with sound agriculture policy, ensures our food security,” said Zackari Nandja, the minister of water. But, he said, if agriculture is truly to serve as a motor for development, then the management of water will have to be taken into account.

Agriculture extension worker Koudjo Kligbé agrees: “We need appropriate technical advice for farmers at all levels, especially regarding water management. We need to start from what farmers already know, from what they are already doing, and then we can see what new things they can learn.”

According to official figures, agriculture employs 70 percent of Togo’s population of six million and represents 40 percent of GDP. Around 10 percent of the national budget is allocated to this sector.

“We have launched many projects, including the Project to Support Agricultural Development, which will help small farmers develop their land and construct storage facilities,” said Messan Kossi Ewovor, the minister of agriculture. He encouraged smallholders to join together in organisations which will strengthen their voices in decision-making in areas that affect them.

The International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) is providing 13.5 million dollars in financing for this support programme.

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Sep 26 2011 (IPS)

There have already been more than thirty pirate attacks on ships along the West African coast so far this year. Regional governments will meet in Cotonou, Benin in October to discuss coordinating efforts to stem piracy.

Congolese sailors participate in a boarding team operations course hosted by High Speed Vessel Swift in July. Credit: Ian Carver/U.S. Navy

Among the most recent attacks was the Sep. 15 seizure of the oil tanker Mattheos I and its 23-person crew off the coast of Togo. Ten days later, the ship’s Spanish owners told media that tanker and crew had been released; no ransom was paid, but the company said the pirates stole some of the vessel’s cargo of diesel fuel.

Governments along the length of the West African coastline have expressed concern about a surge in the number of attacks on cargo ships, and are seeking to combine limited resources to take concerted actions, such as recent joint patrols in the Gulf of Guinea.

“But we don’t want to limit ourselves to joint patrols between Benin and Nigeria; we will very shortly extend this to include the Togolese and Ghanaian navies,” Commandant Maxime Ahoyo, Benin’s Naval Chief of Staff, told IPS.

“If we take care of problems with piracy in Benin’s territorial waters but, for example, Togo doesn’t take necessary security precautions, and we don’t collaborate with Togo and other countries, this phenomenon – which has such long tentacles – will only spread.”

Economic consequences

The president of the Economic Community of West African States Commission, James Victor Gbeho, has called for action against piracy to be widened to include all the states along the coast.

“The navies of all our coastal states should permanently combine their operations,” Gbeho told IPS, underlining his belief that the problem of piracy must be addressed comprehensively. “The phenomenon is becoming worrying and could have serious economic consequences for our countries. That is why we will act firmly against it.”

Piracy has already led maritime insurers in London to put Benin on a list of high-risk zones for shipping. Maritime insurers represented by the Lloyd’s Market Association are demanding higher fees to cover ships which pass through the region.

According to Bénetti Gagalo, Assistant Secretary General of the Togolese Association of Consumers, the situation will certainly have repercussions on income in regional ports as well as on the cost of consumer goods.

External assistance

The urgency of the situation has pushed regional governments to ask for support from France and the United States, who have both deployed naval vessels to the area.

A French frigate, the Germinal, is already carrying out surveillance along the coasts of Benin, Togo and Ghana to try and neutralise the pirates, as well as training naval personnel from all three countries.

“We have hosted these sailors, and they’ve taken part in all the security exercises and patrols that we have carried out to prevent acts of piracy. And they have helped us with their intimate knowledge of the area of operations,” Sébastien Chatelin, captain of the French vessel, told IPS.

A U.S. Navy vessel, the HSV Swift, is also in the Gulf of Guinea, supporting the fight against piracy with training for Beninois, Togolese and Ghanaian sailors as part of U.S. military cooperation programme called Africa Partnership Station.

“Our mission is to try and train African partners on safety and security,” said the captain of the U.S. vessel, Rhett S. Mann.

“The APS programme will allow us to work together to face the problems which affect our coastal waters,” added Sam Nkruma, a Ghanaian naval officer.

His Beninois colleague, Christian Oussa, welcomed the training received on board the two naval ships. “This will allow us to face pirates and various traffickers on the sea. We have learned how to board suspect vessels to inspect them; the training was really appropriate,” he told IPS.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Feb 17 2010 (IPS)

Brigitte Kafui Adjamagbo-Johnson, head of the opposition Democratic Convention of African Peoples party, is Togo’s first female presidential candidate. But she has withdrawn from the electoral process.

Adjamagbo-Johnson and two other main opposition candidates in Togo’s presidential elections said on Monday, Feb. 15 they have withdrawn from preparations for the vote in the West African nation to protest at what they fear will be a rigged result.

She was in the race for the upcoming Mar. 4 elections, which were originally scheduled for Feb. 28 but postponed due to the tension regarding candidate lists.

“It’s a heavy responsibility and I’m aware of the scope of work that awaits me if voters trust me to preside over the destinies of our nation,” Adjamagbo-Johnson told IPS.

She considers her candidacy proof that Togo has increasing faith in women and is creating conditions for them to lead.

Adjamagbo-Johnson was born Dec. 26 1958 and has a doctorate in law. Her political career started in the early 1990s. A founding member of the Convention démocratique des peuples africains, CDPA, she became General Rapporteur of its National Conference in 1991.

Adjamagbo-Johnson went on to hold several senior government positions including heading a ministry. Known for her outspokenness and political commitment, she has been nicknamed “The Iron Lady”.

“I will work towards creating an atmosphere of patriotism and engagement so that the daughters and sons of this nation can once again learn to live together as one and the same people,” she says.

The president of the Commission électorale nationale indépendante (CENI – Independent National Electoral Commission), Tabiou Taffa welcomed Adjamagbo-Johnson to the presidential race. “CENI wishes her the best of luck, and hopes that her experience and courage serve as a model for our mothers and sisters,” added Tabiou Taffa.

Adjamagbo-Johnson has six opponents – all are male.

“The fact that Madame Adjamagbo-Johnson, a woman of caliber, is a candidate is a good thing and is proof that Togolese women no longer want to play second fiddle in politics,” notes Messan Agbeyomé Kodjo, a candidate for Organisation pour bâtir le Togo dans l’unité et la solidarité (OBUTS – Organisation for Building Togo in Unity and Solidarity).

“This nomination shows that women have a very important role to play on the national political scene,” commented Solitoki Esso, representative to President Faure Gnassingbé and Secretary General of the Rassemblement du peuple togolais (RPT – Rally of the Togolese People (RPT)) the ruling party. “This is proof that political leaders have made women’s progress and emancipation their battle cry,” added Solitoki.

But opinions on Adjamagbo-Johnson’s candidacy are not unanimous.

Though Adjamagbo-Johnson’s bid represents a first in Togolese history, she unfortunately does not represent the change so deeply sought by the Togolese, notes Améganvi Isabelle, a lawyer and member of the UFC in the Togolese National Assembly. “We women of Togo, we will have our say in the process and have a duty to come together and bring UFC candidate Jean Pierre Fabre to victory,” she says.

Fabre, the presidential candidate for the main opposition party Union of Forces for Change (UFC), said they needed to reach beyond elitism or promoting women simply due to a gender-based approach. “We must highlight their skills,” stresses Fabre who was in discussions with the six other opposition candidates to identify a single candidate to put forward to run against the incumbent president. However, on Monday, Feb. 15 Fabre was one of the three candidates who withdrew from the electoral process, along with Adjamagbo-Johnson.

“If we look at gender or age as a criteria then I think Adjamagbo-Johnson would fit the bill, if she gets the support of the other candidates,” Agbeyomé Kodjo noted.

“Male selfishness will spur them to fight this woman who has all the qualities necessary to govern the country,” said George Kelem, a teacher. According to him, Adjamagbo-Johnson’s experience in politics and advocacy are a great asset.

Adjamagbo-Johnson is a strong advocate for women’s rights. She’s active in several associations and is the sub-regional coordinator of the NGO Femmes, droit et développement en Afrique (Women, Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF). She also serves on the advisory committee of the African Women Development Fund (AWDF).

“We’ve always wanted a woman presidential candidate and this year our dream became a reality – she’s a shoe in,” says an optimistic Lydia Konou, a market woman in Lome.

Togo has a population of over 5.5 million people, 52 percent of whom are women. There are four women in government and nine in the parliament where women are under-represented. Adjamagbo-Johnson has been a vocal critic of the situation.

She has also spoken out against her fellow citizens’ living conditions: the fact that for many families eating three times a day has become a luxury, the number of women still dying during childbirth… But she promises “democracy, bread and work for all” before finally stating “Yes We Can”, picking up U.S. President Barack Obama’s famous slogan.

*with additional reporting from agencies.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Aug 8 2008 (IPS)

Recent flooding in Togo caused the collapse of over 10 bridges connecting the capital of Lomé to the north of the country. The consequences have been increased transportation costs and a steady climb in the price of consumer products.

Lomé has been almost completely cut off from the northern part of the country after torrential rains last month destroyed numerous bridges and roads in southern Togo. As a result, people traveling north must make a lengthy detour to the west through the town of Kpalimé.

“We increased the price because of the 100 km detour when leaving Lomé,” explained Gérard Akohin in a conversation with IPS. The transportation union’s decision to increase all fares to all destinations by 1,500 CFA francs (approximately $3.60).

The cost of shipping goods has also increased in the West African nation, which has inflated prices for consumer items, especially maize. Northern Togo is the country’s bread basket, and with that region cut off, very few distributors are traveling to the area for agricultural products.

The flooding also affected maize fields which further reduces the amount available on the market. The cost of one kilogramme of maize went from 850 CFA (about $2) before the floods to 1,500 CFA ($3.60) last weekend. Other items, such as beans and charcoal, have seen increases as well.

These new price hikes come in the midst of a global food crisis that is already having a devastating effect on the poorest populations.

“We’re holding on by a thread and on the verge of famine – our buying power shrinks every day whereas prices keep climbing. The situation is critical,” says Komla Alagbé, a teacher in Lomé.

“It is a highly volatile situation,” declared Aladjou Agouta, Secretary General of the Association togolaise des consommateurs (Togolese Consumers Association), commenting on “a wave of speculation never before seen in the country.” According to him, steps should be taken against speculation and price hikes.

Kossi Messan Ewovor, Togo’s Minister of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries, agrees. “Market women are setting the prices at levels we deem unacceptable,” he says. “It is true that bridges have collapsed and access routes have been destroyed, but the prices are not justifiable,” he added.

In addition to destroying roads and bridges, at least 10,000 people were affected by the flooding, including nine deaths.

Angèle Mensah, a market woman from Djagblé, a village 20 km Northeast of Lomé told IPS: “The water was too powerful, all our belongings were carried away and our homes destroyed.”

Many evacuees were rescued by Ghanaian and French army personnel (from Ivory Coast’s Operation Unicorn) who came to support Togolese troops. Evacuees found shelter in nearby schools and churches. The main opposition party – the Union des forces de changement (UFC) – quickly sent its representatives to affected areas. The UFC criticized the dismal state of Togolese roadways, which it said were inadequate to the country’s needs. In a public declaration made after the floods, the UFC called for the resignation of the current government.

Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Yaovi Agboyibo’s party, the Action Committee for Renewal, called on the government to launch a solidarity fund in support of flood victims.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and associations are providing support locally to evacuees. Amitié et action pour le développement (Friendship and Action for Development), based in Lomé, offered blankets, mosquito nets, shoes, bedsheets and clothes. “We’re hoping to alleviate the victims’ suffering and ensure that they are well protected during the rainy season,” said Koumana Bogra, the Executive Director.

While authorities and NGOs rush to help victims in southern Togo rebuild, the north has started to see torrential rains, also. Two bridges collapsed.at the beginning of the month in two northern cities, Sotouboua and Kara.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Jul 18 2008 (IPS)

As the Togolese capital becomes a regional hub for drug trafficking, many drug addicts in Lomé are seeking assistance to kick the habit.

"Help us get out of this life." Sourou A. is a 25-year-old drug addict that IPS met in one of Lomé's ghettos. "I have had enough; I can't take it any longer. I know that drugs are ruining my life, but I don't know how to stop."

Togo is being confronted with a growing phenomenon of drug abuse, marked by the concentration of drug addicts in isolated ghettos where access for non drug-users is impossible. There are 40 such areas scattered around Lomé.

In one of these areas, Jean Daniel S. emerges from one of several rough shacks made of rusted roofing sheets and other recycled materials. The 35-year-old addict has a Masters Degree in physical sciences. He recognises that it is not easy to quit, but he intends to fight and get out of his situation.

"It is something dreadful and it is very difficult to leave it," he confessed to IPS. "On a day when I don't take drugs, I don't feel well. And this dependency leads some drug addicts who do not have a job or any other means of buying their usual dose are obliged to steal."

In addition to Togolese nationals, one also meets young people of several other nationalities. More than 3,500 addicts aged between eight and 40 were registered in Lomé last year by non-governmental organizations.

According to Pastor Epiphane Yao, president of the Association for Aid and Support for the Rehabilitation of Drug-Users, there are children who grow up in these ghettos, born to addicts living here.

IPS saw mothers smoking drugs whilst cradling infants. Many of the children who grow up in this environment very quickly follow in their parents' footsteps to become drug-users.

According to Pastor Yao, a hundred or so people died of overdoses or drug-abuse-related disease last year. "The numbers are growing – we counted around 2,000 drug users in 2001, of which 12 have since died; there were 3,000 in 2006, with 68 death and 3,575 in 2007 with a hundred deaths."

Gnassa Djassoua, a professor of psychology who heads the Specialised Unit at the University Teaching Hospital in Lomé, explains that drug users generally die of the effects of the toxic substances in their bodies.

"There are sometimes medical complications like the respiratory depression which requires an emergency intervention. If not, the patients die. There are also psychiatric complications which make them insane," he told IPS.

According to statistics from the National Anti-Drug Committee (the Comité national anti-drogue, or CNAD, is a government body created in 1996 to fight against the scourge of addiction in Togo), 42 percent of the psychiatric patients in hospitals are victims of drug abuse. All kinds of drugs are responsible, but cannabis leads with approximately 98 percent.

In the face of the devastating effects of drug use, Pasteur Yao has succeeded in winning the trust of the ghetto inhabitants. He is the only outsider accepted by the addicts, who freely enters these unhealthy spaces. He organises Bible meetings and does his best to educate people on the need to give up their drug habits.

When IPS visited a group in the heart of Lomé along with the pastor last week, a religious mood reigned. Under the direction of pastor, there was singing and dancing and the reading of passages from the Bible by drug users.

"It is more than a job for us, it is a divine calling. And each morning, we come to visit them and speak about God and they accept us," Yao told IPS.

Some manage to give up drugs; but many others continue to struggle, he said:. "There are more and more young people who devote themselves to drug consumption and often, these young people have trouble quitting drugs."

According to Colonel Wanta Badombéna, permanent secretary of the CNAD, 5.5 percent of Togolese students experiment with drugs. "Some take drugs to stay awake to study. The majority are not aware that they are using drugs – they call it 'fortifying' and when they take these drugs at a certain frequency, they become dependent."

Badombéna indicated that the product currently in fashion among the students is called "caterpillar" – an amphetamine which enables them "to study non-stop from morning through the evening."

For many observers, drug use, particularly by young people, has increased in Togo since 2000, as the West Africa country has become a transit point for traffickers.

Badombéna says that five years ago, one could not find a Togolese national involved in drug trafficking. "The Togolese learned about the drug trade and today, more Togolese are arrested elsewhere than here in Togo, in particular in Europe." He adds that the Togolese police are also arresting many more foreigners involved in drug trafficking, generally in transit through Togo.

According to data provided by the CNAD, 584 traffickers were arrested in 2007 for drug trafficking. They were tried and sentenced to one to five years imprisonment, according to Kalao Kpémoua, the deputy-prosecutor of the Court of Lomé.

The drugs seized in Togo are burned. Just over 253 kilograms of drugs seized so far in 2008, of a total value of approximately $23.8 million dollars, were destroyed on June 28. This batch included 201 kg of cannabis, 50 kg of cocaine, one kilogramme of heroin and a quantity of psychotropic substances. These drugs are destroyed by the CNAD and the Central Office for the Suppression of Drug Trafficking in Togo.

According to CNAD some 1.5 tonnes of cannabis, 37 kg of heroin, and 7 kg of cocaine were seized in 2005; 425 kg of cannabis, 37 kg of cocaine seized in 2006; and 702 kg of cannabis, 12 kg of heroin, and 59 kg of cocaine, last year.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Jun 22 2007 (IPS)

In the southern Togolese village of Yoto Kopé, Akoua Amouzouvi and several other women emerge from the bush with bowls of charcoal balanced on their heads – hands and faces smeared with black dust.

They have been burning trees to make charcoal for sale. “It’s our daily activity,” says Amouzouvi.

With government figures indicating that more than 80 percent of the population is dependent on wood to meet domestic energy needs, the women – and others throughout Togo – have no shortage of clients.

But, the West African country’s forests do not appear able to sustain this brisk trade.

According to the most recent official statistics IPS was able to obtain, dense forest covered an estimated 449,000 hectares in 1970, but just 140,000 hectares in 1990. It is estimated that up to 10 kilogrammes of wood are needed to obtain one kilogramme of charcoal.

Authorities maintain that efforts are being made to halt the destruction of forests: certain wooded areas have been declared protected, and reforestation is underway.

Jun. 1 was proclaimed the national ‘Day of the Tree’ in 1977 to encourage people to plant trees, while in 1990 a Forest Development Programme was launched. This initiative includes the promotion of community and school plantations aimed at supplying people with wood for energy purposes, and with timber.

Environment and Forest Resources Minister Issifou Okoulou-Kantchati also encourages each Togolese to maintain a private wooded area, or at least plant a seedling every year.

In addition, the export and re-export of charcoal from Togo has been banned since September 2005. Those who contravene the ban are fined triple the value of their merchandise.

Yet it seems clear that these initiatives have yet to make an impression on Amouzouvi and her colleagues, who appear unaware that their work of charcoal production could be the prelude to desertification. Loss of tree cover paves the way for land degradation.

“There are a lot of trees, and this will never end,” Amouzouvi says. “When it finishes on this side here, we just move forward a bit to find…trees on the other side…These trees date from the time of our great-grandparents.”

Kouami Kokou, a lecturer at the University of Lomé – the capital – and a consultant at the International Tropical Timber Organisation, believes the solution to this problem lies in the promotion of alternative energy sources.

The best alternative would be gas, he says; but, there has been scant progress in this regard.

“The number of people who use gas in Togo is too low at present,” Kokou notes. Barely 20 percent of citizens have turned to gas for their domestic energy needs.

He has therefore called on government to put greater effort into subsidising gas, and to make it more available to communities.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
SOKODE, Central Togo, Jun 19 2007 (IPS)

Civil society organisations in Togo have welcomed the sentences handed down to five child traffickers last week. The trials marked the first application of a law adopted in August 2005 against the trafficking of children.

“The most important thing for us is the strong message that the government wants to send to traffickers, which is tell them that impunity is no longer acceptable in the face of this phenomenon (trafficking) in Togo,” said Cléophas Mally, an official at WAO-Afrique.

This non-governmental organisation (NGO), based in the capital of Lomé, was initially the African chapter of the World Association for Orphans, a Belgian NGO – but has since become autonomous.

“Since the adoption of this law there has not been a trial, which meant that people were still tempted by trafficking; but these trials will enable them to understand that the law exists and will be applied to everyone,” noted Délali Kpéglo of the Plan Togo NGO, also based in Lomé.

Children themselves had something to say.

“We can only rejoice (about these verdicts) and we will continue…to fight so that this (trafficking) ends in our country and everywhere else,” said Sylvain Anson-Anoumah, 12, who belongs to a children’s rights association – Club Espérance (Club Hope) – based in Sokodé.

Four of the five traffickers were tried by a court in the northern town of Kara.

Soulé Lamania was sentenced to a fixed-term imprisonment of 18 months for having taken five children to Nigeria, while Anaheri Kasso was sentenced to 12 months in prison (five suspended) and a fine of about 2,000 dollars for trafficking three children.

Yamba Kodjo was ordered to pay some 600 dollars for having taken the children of his sister to Nigeria, after having said that he was transporting them to a village. This money will be used to repatriate the children.

The fourth trafficker tried in Kara, Pascal Bayobda, was found guilty of rape and of procuring a 14-year-old – and received a suspended, 12-month jail term.

Simultaneously, a court in Sokodé found Issa Ousoumanou Oukenini guilty of trafficking five children to Nigeria – and sentenced him to fixed imprisonment of two years.

Under the ‘United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish the Trafficking of Persons’, trafficking is viewed as encompassing a broad range of activities that result in people being used “for an improper purpose”, such as forced labour and sexual exploitation. (The protocol was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2000.)

The United Nations Children’s Fund notes that over a million children are thought to be trafficked globally each year.

Thousands of these cases occur in West Africa, where children are trafficked within their countries or to neighbouring states – girls often to work as domestics, and boys as agricultural labourers.

“They are recruited on false promises of education, professional training and paid employment,” notes the New York-based Human Right Watch in a 2003 report titled ‘Borderline Slavery: Child Trafficking in Togo’.

Children may find themselves “ordered into hazardous, exploitive labor; subjected to physical and mental abuse by their employers; and, if they escape or are released, denied the protections necessary to reintegrate them into society.”

Widespread poverty paves the way for trafficking, making parents and children alike susceptible to the promises of traffickers.

“He came to see me to tell me that he would help my child to become something…and this is the reason why I entrusted my son to him,” the father of a trafficked child told IPS. It required the arrest of the trafficker for this man to become aware of the consequences of his action.

A 2005 report from Plan Togo notes that almost one in eight Togolese children is sent to work far from home.

Under the 2005 law, those responsible for the trafficking of children and their accomplices may receive prison sentences of a month to five years, and fines of 1,000 to 20,000 dollars.

The law has also tightened up on the departure of children from Togo. Special authorisation from a court is now required to take a child who not accompanied by its parents or guardian out of the country.

For several years now, “comités de vigilance” (vigilance committees) have been put in place to raise awareness of the dangers of trafficking and, according to Human Rights Watch, keep track of children likely to be targeted and the traffickers themselves.

The problem of trafficking was also highlighted Jun. 16 during the Day of the African Child, as it formed the central issue the commemorative day this year.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Dec 14 2006 (IPS)

For the neighbouring West African nations of Togo and Benin, most of the past year has been plagued by power cuts that have been an inconvenience at best – and a source of financial hardship at worst.

Some 80 percent of electricity used by the two countries comes from Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire, which are struggling to maintain the supply. Togolese authorities ascribe this to low water levels in key hydroelectric dams in the region: Akossombo in Ghana, and Taabo and Kossou in Côte d’Ivoire. This has been caused by drought.

There have also been problems with the supply of natural gas that fuels power stations producing electricity in Côte d’Ivoire.

As a result, the Volta Region Authority (VRA) of Ghana and the Ivorian Electricity Company (Compagnie ivoirienne d’électricité, CIE) reduced their transmissions in March when the crisis began. Supplies were cut from 140 megawatts (MW) daily to the current 80, says the Electricity Community of Benin (Communauté électrique du Bénin, CEB) – based in the Togolese capital of Lomé.

According to the CEB, which manages power in Togo and Benin, the countries have a total daily electricity need of 200 MW.

The remaining 60 MW of power have previously been supplied through the CEB and national distribution firms: the Electrical Energy Company of Togo (Compagnie énergie électrique du Togo, CEET) and the Beninese Electric Energy Company (Société béninoise d’énergie électrique).

However, a drop in water levels also occurred at the dam on Lake Nangbéto in southern Togo, used by the CEB to supply power to Benin and Togo. This created an additional deficit of between 19 MW and 36 MW, said CEB communications director Amah Tchamdja.

The energy crisis reached a peak in June, and worsened again in November. In a bid to ration power in an orderly fashion, Benin and Togo started daily four- to six-hour electricity cuts that are shared between different cities and neighborhoods. However, the outages can last for up to 14 hours.

Some people have been able to plan accordingly. Assam Ahmed, a restaurateur in Lomé, has bought a generator to assure himself of a reliable power supply. “My restaurant is constantly busy and I don’t have any outages,” he told IPS.

Others find matters more difficult. “The situation is disrupting our lives,” complained Edmond Séshie, the manager of a fish shop in Lomé, who doesn’t have money to buy a generator for refrigeration. “We need electricity full time to keep our fish fresh, but more and more often, we’re finding ourselves with rotten fish.”

The cost of generators varies between 500 and 20,000 dollars – while solar panels, an alternative source of power, sell for between 200 and 24,000 dollars: prices beyond the reach of many in Benin and Togo.

Radio and television stations are also affected by the power cuts. “The shortages interrupt our work, and what’s most inconvenient is the fact that the CEET does not respect the set outage hours,” says Junior Edem Aménunya, editor in chief of the TV7 television channel in Lomé, who has just bought a generator.

Tchamdja says the CEB is doing what it can. “We are already exploring ways of resolving the situation,” he told IPS, noting that the solution to the power cuts lies in having more electricity providers.

With this mind, the CEB has embarked on various projects, most notably an 80 million dollar initiative with Nigeria which could be operational by March 2007, or earlier. “This interconnection will make an extra 75 megawatts available,” said Tchamdja, adding that the project would mean sufficient energy delivered to Benin and Togo, at a lower cost.

CEB gas turbines will also be upgraded to allow for the use of natural gas from Nigeria, being delivered to Benin and Togo under the West African Gazoduc project. This initiative aims to construct a 700-kilometre gas pipeline that will send natural gas from Nigeria all the way to Ghana, via Benin and Togo.

In addition, the CEB’s directors hope to speed up the Adjrarala hydroelectric dam project in Benin, on the Mono River which flows through Benin and Togo. An estimated 162 million dollars is needed for the dam, which should reduce the energy dependence of the two countries on other parties.

However, the CEB is in financial difficulties. According to Tchamdja, it owes some 31.8 million dollars to the CIE and VRA, and to petroleum companies for the purchase of hydroelectric energy and fuel for its power stations. In addition, the CEB owes a total of 5.7 million dollars in bank loans.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Aug 23 2005 (IPS)

For children’s rights activists like Deleli Kpeglo, efforts to combat child trafficking in Togo have often produced dispiriting results.

“We’ve tried everything possible, but such efforts have not been effective. Child traffickers keep coming back and taking away more children,” says Kpeglo, who works for Plan Togo – a non-governmental organisation (NGO).

Now there is cause for hope – as a law which explicitly bans trafficking is finally on the books.

The legislation in question was passed earlier this month: it provides for prison terms of up to five years – and fines ranging from about 1,000 to 2,000 dollars. The penalties may be doubled if trafficked children die, or disappear; they can also be applied for attempted trafficking, and against the accomplices of traffickers.

“Before, the traffickers ran free and could practice as professionals because there was no Togolese law against it. By adopting this law, we are going to stop it,” Justice Minister Tchessa Abi told IPS.

Adds Abass Bonfoh, president of Togo’s National Assembly: “The law targets all those who are intimately or casually mixed up in the trafficking process: those who recruit the children, transport them and house them, in addition to parents and close relatives who are accomplices.”

The new legislation follows a lengthy campaign on the part of activists.

“This law is very harsh…and its adoption is the result of a long process that included an educational and sensitisation period,” says Kpeglo.

In terms of the new law, a child not in the presence of his parents or official guardians may no longer leave the country without special authorisation (although officials have yet to agree on what form this will take). About 3,000 children are intercepted each year at the border while being taken to other countries. The most common destinations are Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Gabon, Ghana, the Ivory Coast and Nigeria.

Efforts to combat child trafficking have included the establishment of local committees which attempt to monitor child labour and trafficking.

These groups have received support from the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) – an initiative of the International Labour Organisation – which has organised education and training sessions for the committees. This was in an effort to improve members’ awareness of the extent of trafficking, and its consequences for children’s lives.

Even so, traffickers continued to slip children over the borders to neighboring countries – sometimes crossing at night, thought wooded areas, in a bid to evade authorities.

A young welder arrested in March 2004 was one of the few to be caught: he had planned to sell his half brother for 20,000 dollars, to pay for a trip to the United States.

Similarly, a woman and two of her accomplices were arrested this year by police when she tried to cross the border with Benin, along with a group of young girls destined to work as domestics in Nigeria.

According to Kpeglo, traffickers tend to operate in networks which are known to the families of the trafficked children. And often, the relatives of children are accomplices in the trade.

“How can we make sense of adults engaging in such contemptible conduct, which deprives children of all their rights – most notably the rights to go to school, to grow up and to blossom?” asks Bonfoh.

In a report published last May, Plan Togo claimed that 12 percent of Togolese children from rural areas were trafficked to serve in low-paying jobs – or positions where they received no wages at all.

“The high level of poverty, cultural factors, as well as the Togolese custom of sending children to live with their aunts, cousins or other family members, are elements which contribute to a system in which no one profits but the traffickers,” notes the document. Official statistics issued last year indicate that almost 73 percent of Togolese citizens live below the poverty line of a dollar a day.

Efforts have been made to ensure that the new law respects Togolese culture, even as it eliminates those aspects of it which are harmful. The painstaking nature of this process is said to have contributed to delays in getting anti-trafficking legislation imposed.

“The thinking around this law began in 2003…and we had to take into account traditional and socioeconomic factors…before adopting a law,” Essodina Abalo, national coordinator for IPEC-Togo, told IPS.

Added Martin Hotowossi, an expert in children’s rights issues for the NGO Care International: “We had to think about various aspects of the law. We had to listen to one another and come to an agreement while taking into account the on-the-ground realities.”

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Jul 22 2005 (IPS)

The human rights group Amnesty International has issued a report alleging serious human rights violations in Togo during the West African country’s recent elections.

The document, entitled ‘Togo: Will History Repeat Itself?’, was released Wednesday. It accuses the Togolese security forces and pro-government militants of targeting suspected opponents and other citizens in a campaign of extrajudicial executions, torture, rape, kidnappings and arbitrary arrests.

This occurred amidst claims of fraud during the Apr. 24 presidential poll, won by Faure Gnassingbé.

The son of deceased head of state Gnassingbé Eyadéma, Faure Gnassingbé had initially assumed the presidency in February after this father’s death – even though the constitution stipulated that parliamentary speaker Fambare Natchaba was to become president, pending elections. International pressure later forced Gnassingbé to step down, and schedule a vote.

Amnesty claims that while researching abuses in Togo, it "collected many accounts describing how, in the days before and after the presidential election, the security forces and members of the militias close to the RPT (the ruling Rally of the Togolese People, Rassemblement du peuple togolais – RPT) forcibly entered polling stations and the homes of presumed opposition supporters, firing indiscriminately on the people who happened to be there."

After the poll, there appears to have been little improvement in the rights situation.

"It seems to have been decided to attack the homes of presumed opponents in reprisal for the spontaneous demonstrations by opposition supporters protesting against electoral fraud," says the report.

Electoral violence prompted some 30,000 Togolese to take refuge in neighbouring countries, notably Benin and Ghana.

Amnesty based its report on thousands of interviews conducted during May and June with refugees in Benin – compiling a list of 150 alleged abuse victims. But, the rights group cautions that the total number abused persons is likely to be considerably higher, "because many witnesses have described how unidentified bodies were left at the mortuary and bodies were buried without being registered in any hospital or mortuary."

The Togolese government has expressed some scepticism about Amnesty’s findings.

"I recognize that there were certainly violations of human rights, but who violated those human rights?" asked Kokou Tozoun, Togo’s communication minister, Wednesday – this during a meeting with journalists in the capital of Lomé. "Amnesty International did not see fit to finish up its investigation in Togo. It stopped short in a refugee camp."

Claude Vondoly, president of the Lomé-based Togolese Movement for the Defense of Freedom and Human Rights – a group believed to be close to the government – said the report should have analysed the situation in Togo more thoroughly, so as to apportion blame fairly for rights abuses.

"We can’t say the victims were all from one camp and human rights violators were all from the other," he told IPS. "Both government supporters and those of the opposition were victims of this violence, and we don’t understand why Amnesty International limits itself to reporting only the opposition victims." Vondoly’s movement estimates that 105 people – opposition supporters and armed forces included – died during the electoral violence.

Togoata Apedo-Amah, general secretary of the Togolese League for Human Rights, expressed satisfaction with Amnesty’s investigation, saying it corroborated the league’s own findings.

"Amnesty International did a good job, and it allowed us to see that the responsibility of the police (in the violence) is clear," said Apedo-Amah, who is often accused by government of being an opposition supporter.

For its part, Amnesty claims that interviews were carried out in Benin for security purposes. The group said it feared witnesses and the families of abuse victims might be placed in danger by an investigation in Togo.

But, it is not only Togolese authorities that have come under criticism in this week’s report. Amnesty International also points the finger at France, which it has previously condemned for providing military assistance to Togo.

The report claims that an analysis of rubber bullets and teargas grenades used in the capital during the electoral crackdown revealed these objects to have been manufactured in France.

"Amnesty International believes that France should ensure that the security and police equipment it supplies and the training that it provides are not used to violate fundamental rights," says the document.

In a statement Wednesday to journalists in Paris, Cecile Pozzo di Borgo, an assistant spokesperson for France’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said the country was already working towards respect for human rights in Togo.

Concluding its report, Amnesty called on the Lomé government to release political prisoners and investigate claims of rights abuse – as well as put an end to impunity in the country’s police and military.

It also appealed for the publication of findings made by the United Nations mission that visited Togo, Benin and Ghana in June to investigate electoral violence in Togo. In addition, the watchdog said an international commission of inquiry should also be set up to conduct a more intensive probe in all parts of Togo.

Amnesty fears recent developments "(herald) very grim days ahead" for the country, which was ruled by Eyadema for 38 years before his death earlier this year – and that the new administration risks being a repeat of the old.

"Not since the presidential election in 1998, has repression been so brutal," notes the report. "It shows how determined this family (that of Gnassingbé and Eyadema), which has been in control of the state for nearly four decades, is to hang onto power at any price."

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, May 19 2005 (IPS)

Newly-elected Togolese President Faure Gnassingbe and various opposition leaders were in the Nigerian capital, Abuja, Thursday for talks on resolving tensions in their West African country.

Togo was plunged into turmoil when military officials appointed Gnassingbe head of state shortly after the Feb. 5 death of his father, Gnassingbe Eyadema, who had ruled the country since 1967.

Regional and international protests about the unconstitutional nature of Faure Gnassingbe’s appointment obliged him to schedule a presidential election, subsequently held on Apr. 24.

However, the announcement by Togo’s National Independent Electoral Commission that Gnassingbe had won the vote sparked violence in the capital, Lome, which in turn prompted thousands of people to flee to neighbouring states.

An invitation from the ruling Rally of the Togolese People (Rassemblement du people togolais, RPT) for the opposition to join it in a government of national unity was rejected after last month’s poll.

Reports now indicate that opposition leaders may be softening their position on the matter, although the six-party Union of Forces of Change – the leading opposition group – has apparently demanded that alleged vote rigging during the presidential election, and rights abuses, be investigated first.

This probe is to be conducted by an independent international committee of inquiry.

"Establishing such a commission is a prerequisite for any type of discussion to take place," coalition coordinator Yaovi Agboyibo told IPS.

These words were echoed by Zeus Ajavon, spokesman for a group of civil society organisations.

"We have no confidence whatsoever in independent experts from Togo, or from ECOWAS (the Economic Community of West African States), or from anywhere in Africa for that matter," he told journalists. "The situation has to be investigated by an independent international commission."

ECOWAS has been severely criticised by opposition groups for giving its stamp of approval to the April election. On May 12, Togolese state media announced that Gnassingbe had suggested an independent commission of inquiry be established, made up of Togolese nationals.

Gnassingbe’s main rival in the poll, Emmanuel Akitani-Bob, was not present in Nigeria for Thursday’s discussions, reportedly because of ill health. However, the talks were attended by Gilchrist Olympio, leader of the Union of Forces of Change, who was barred from running in the April election.

This was in terms of a law which states that candidates for presidential polls in Togo must reside in the country. Olympio has lived in exile since surviving an assassination attempt in 1992. He is the son of Sylvanus Olympio, Togo’s first democratically elected president, who was himself assassinated by Eyadema in 1963.

The Abuja meeting comes in the wake of a report by the Togolese League for Human Rights (Ligue togolaise des droits de l’Homme, LTDH) stating that over 800 people have lost their lives to political violence since Eyadema’s death. The LTDH, a non-governmental organisation based in Lome, also claims that about 4,500 people have been injured during that time.

"Human rights, before and after the presidential elections, have been violated in Togo. Human dignity is not respected and we are holding the government responsible," said the league’s vice-president, Eklou Clumson.

The report, released May 14, was to have been launched the day before during a press conference at the headquarters of the LTDH. However, the event was cancelled after about 50 RPT supporters invaded the league’s offices in a bid to disrupt it.

Government has rejected the LTDH allegations, with Communication Minister Pitang Tchalla describing the report as "a joke in poor taste".

"These figures border on the ridiculous," he noted. "Before elections were held, the most extremist opposition leaders were already saying that the results would be played out in the streets. As soon as the provisional results were announced, there were violent and concerted actions consistent with this plan."

Others claim the report is biased in favour of the opposition, saying it fails to take into account RPT supporters who were victimized during the political violence.

Although the number of people fleeing Togo is reported to have decreased, people are still leaving the country for Benin and Ghana. Recent estimates from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees put the number of Togolese refugees in these countries at just over 26,000.

And, reports continue to emerge of harassment by the security forces, which have been accused of staging raids on the homes of opposition supporters over recent weeks.

"We fled when the army attacked our neighborhood, but we came back from Ghana Sunday (May 8) to go back to school, because this is exam time. But Wednesday morning, soldiers went to the school to arrest my brother," a young pupil told IPS.

Said another, "People are coming back, but they’re also being arrested. That’s why I told my brothers, who are in Benin and Ghana, not to come back yet."

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, May 10 2005 (IPS)

A number of refugees who fled Togo because of violence sparked by the country’s Apr. 24 presidential election have reportedly started going home.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was quoted as saying that several hundred people had returned to the Togolese capital, Lome, over recent days.

Initially, more than 20,000 people crossed Togo’s west and eastern borders with Ghana and Benin respectively – with the number of refugees split almost equally between the two states. An IPS correspondent at the border in Benin said most of the persons seen entering the country were women and children carrying a few belongings in bundles on their heads.

Certain refugees took up residence in camps or with persons who volunteered to give them shelter; others are staying with friends and relatives. As ethnic groups straddle Togo’s borders with Ghana and Benin, many Togolese belong to the same tribes as citizens of neighbouring countries.

Confrontations between police and opposition supporters in Togo occurred after the Apr. 26 announcement that Faure Gnassingbe had won the presidential poll with just over 60 percent of ballots cast. The National Independent Electoral Commission gave his closest rival, Emmanuel Akitani-Bob, about 38 percent of the vote.

Togo’s constitutional court rejected opposition claims of widespread fraud at the polls, paving the way for Gnassingbe to be sworn in as president on May 4.

But, "We do not accept these results," Akitani-Bob told IPS. "Everyone knows that this court exists just to back up whatever the new government does."

While certain estimates put the number of people killed in post-election violence at about 20, hospital sources say 30 lost their lives. Opposition officials claim up to 100 people are dead as a result of the clashes, but to date, no official death count has been issued.

Zeus Ajavon, a member of a coalition of civil society organisations and unions, has accused Togolese authorities of creating a "climate of terror" in the country by shooting at unarmed civilians and violently raiding homes.

The UNHCR says certain refugees have also reported harassment by Togolese security forces – a claim echoed in interviews done by IPS.

"Soldiers shot at anything that moved," said Anyonam Akakpo, a shopkeeper in the Be neighborhood of Lome, known to be an opposition stronghold.

"Afterwards, they broke into houses to beat people up," he told the agency. Akakpo has fled to Aflao, a town just over the border with Ghana. IPS also gathered testimony of people having been killed or injured in villages close to the town of Aneho, near the border with Benin.

However, the Gnassingbe camp questions these reports.

"We have no reason to be violent," Komi Selom Klassou, the new president’s campaign chief, told journalists recently. "The constitutional court confirmed the election of the candidate of peace, the candidate of reconciliation and national unity. The Togolese people have just realised an enormous victory."

For its part, the government issued a press release May 5 calling on Togolese refugees to return home, adding that steps had been taken "to avoid new confrontations" and to ensure public safety.

The ruling Rally of the Togolese People has also offered to form a government of national unity with the opposition, an offer that was rejected despite regional support for the initiative.

Many opposition figures are bitter about the role played in last month’s election by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which endorsed the vote after having deployed 150 observers to monitor the poll. The group said irregularities had been noted, but that these were insufficient to undermine the overall legitimacy of the election.

"We…lament the stance of ECOWAS, which has demonstrated complicity with this masquerade and fraud. This institution has lost its credibility," said Akitani-Bob.

Such claims have been bolstered by the actions of one of the ECOWAS observers, Beninese national Martin Assogba, who distanced himself from the group’s statements about the Togolese poll.

Speaking in Benin’s capital, Cotonou, last week, Assogba said his team of observers had made reports to ECOWAS of problems observed in about twenty polling stations in northern Togo on the day of voting. These problems included the use of voting cards to allow children to cast ballots, and the fact that the votes cast at one of the polling stations exceeded the number of registered voters.

Assogba’s claims have been backed up by Alioune Tine, a Senegalese member of the ECOWAS observer mission. The opposition is now demanding that elections be re-held.

Gnassingbe initially assumed the presidency after the death of his father, longtime ruler Gnassingbe Eyadema, in February. This violated the Togolese constitution, which required the speaker of the national assembly, Fambare Natchaba, to take over as head of state – and govern the country for two months while presidential elections were being organised.

International pressure ultimately obliged Faure Gnassingbe to step down, and schedule a vote.

However, observers have noted that the preparation time allowed for this poll failed to take into account the fact that 38 years of iron-fisted rule by Eyadema had left Togo ill-equipped to hold genuinely democratic elections. The Rally of the Togolese People was viewed as being firmly in control of the various government departments in charge of the poll – and likely to have an inbuilt advantage for the Apr. 24 vote.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Apr 27 2005 (IPS)

Opposition candidate Emmanuel Akitani-Bob declared himself the winner of Togo’s presidential election despite the National Independent Electoral Commission’s announcement that Faure Gnassingbe, son of deceased head of state Gnassingbe Eyadema, was the provisional winner.
      Opposition supporters protested the Commission’s results with roadblocks and burned tires in Lome. ”We’re going to put up even more barricades and make this country ungovernable,” a protester told IPS.

Emmanuel Akitani-Bob, an opposition candidate in the presidential election held Sunday in Togo, declared himself winner of the poll Wednesday. This came a day after the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) announced that Faure Gnassingbe, son of deceased head of state Gnassingbe Eyadema, was the provisional winner.

Tuesday’s announcement was greeted with outrage by opposition supporters, who erected barricades and burned tires in the Togolese capital, Lome, to protest the outcome of the poll.

Although police responded by firing teargas and attempting to dismantle the barricades, this only served to spur on the supporters. "We’re going to put up even more barricades, and make this country ungovernable," Celestin Soke, a 28-year-old apprentice tailor, told IPS.

Similar scenes could be viewed in the city Wednesday, when fresh protests broke out. A dozen demonstrators are said to have been killed by gunfire, while several others were injured.

Thousands of Gnassingbe supporters also demonstrated in the capital, many arriving by bus from northern Togo, a Gnassingbe stronghold, armed with clubs and machetes.

According to CENI Chairperson Kissem Tchangai Walla, Gnassingbe garnered 60.22 percent of the vote, and Akitani-Bob 38.19 percent.

Harry Olympio, considered a more moderate opposition candidate, won 0.55 percent of the vote – in which almost two-thirds of those eligible to cast ballots did so. However, the commission noted that the count did not reflect votes placed in ballot boxes that had been destroyed by demonstrators.

"I’m very happy about the outcome," Komi Selom Klassou, director of Gnassingbe’s campaign, told journalists. "The president said that his victory would be a victory for all the Togolese people. You can be sure that he plans to reach out to all citizens in order to build a stable Togo."

For its part, the opposition swiftly claimed that "massive fraud" had taken place, not only during the election itself, but also in the verification of voter lists, and the distribution of voting cards.

Youths who gathered in the streets could be heard chanting "They stole our victory."

Concerns about these matters had led Akitani-Bob, Olympio and another presidential candidate, Nicolas Lawson, to call for a postponement of the vote, (Lawson later withdrew from the race). Interior Minister Francois Boko called for the poll to be suspended – an appeal which resulted in him being sacked. The minister is since reported to have taken refuge in the German embassy.

The electoral campaign was also punctuated by incidents of violence, with rival militants clashing in several neighborhoods of the capital over the weekend of Apr. 16-17. Six ruling party members and one opposition supporter are said to have died in these incidents.

"We refuse to accept that for the umpteenth time, they are stealing the election out from under us," Jean Pierre Fabre, general secretary of the Union of Forces of Change (UFC), told IPS. This group forms part of a six-party coalition represented at the polls by Akitani-Bob.

UFC is also the party of exiled opposition leader Gilchrist Olympio, a long-time opponent of Eyadema until the latter’s death in February this year.

Gnassingbe took over as head of state after his father’s death with the support of Togo’s military – but agreed to hold elections after global leaders denounced the move as unconstitutional. He stood as the candidate for the ruling Rally of the Togolese People.

Many Togolese opponents of Gnassingbe, who came across the border from Ghana and now occupy part of the capital, are calling for mass resistance to the new regime. The opposition is also calling on its supporters to "mobilize, and resist" the government.

Cheick Oumar Diarra, assistant executive secretary of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which deployed 150 election observers to Togo, said that several irregularities had been noted in Sunday’s poll. However, these were not sufficiently serious to cast doubt on the election’s credibility.

Adote Ghandi Akwe, president of the Togolese League for Human Rights, disagreed with this assessment – citing the absence of monitors during vote counting. This, he noted, was in violation of electoral law.

Another non-governmental organisation, Initiative 150, issued a statement claiming that numerous attempts had been made to stuff ballot boxes in polling stations where opposition representatives were denied access.

"After the election, hooded militiamen grabbed away ballot boxes by force, which, according to law, are supposed to be opened in public," the group added.

Gnassingbe has said he intends forming a government of national unity to calm the situation in Togo.

However, Gilchrist Olympio rejected this offer, describing Sunday’s poll as a "charade". Instead, he is calling for a revision of Togolese law to allow for fresh elections within the next two years.

Attacks against French expatriates in Lome have also been reported. Many Togolese believe France played a key part in helping Eyadema hold on to power for 38 years, (the former leader seized control of the country during a 1967 coup).

In addition, more than 1,000 Togolese fleeing violence caused by the contested election sought refuge Tuesday in Benin, according to the mayor’s office in the border town of Grand-Popo, contacted by IPS Wednesday.

* With additional reporting by Ali Idrissou-Toure in Cotonou

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Apr 27 2005 (IPS)

Emmanuel Akitani-Bob, an opposition candidate in the presidential election held Sunday in Togo, declared himself winner of the poll Wednesday. This came a day after the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) announced that Faure Gnassingbe, son of deceased head of state Gnassingbe Eyadema, was the provisional winner.

Tuesday’s announcement was greeted with outrage by opposition supporters, who erected barricades and burned tires in the Togolese capital, Lome, to protest the outcome of the poll.

Although police responded by firing teargas and attempting to dismantle the barricades, this only served to spur on the supporters. “We’re going to put up even more barricades, and make this country ungovernable,” Celestin Soke, a 28-year-old apprentice tailor, told IPS.

Similar scenes could be viewed in the city Wednesday, when fresh protests broke out. A dozen demonstrators are said to have been killed by gunfire, while several others were injured.

Thousands of Gnassingbe supporters also demonstrated in the capital, many arriving by bus from northern Togo, a Gnassingbe stronghold, armed with clubs and machetes.

According to CENI Chairperson Kissem Tchangai Walla, Gnassingbe garnered 60.22 percent of the vote, and Akitani-Bob 38.19 percent.

Harry Olympio, considered a more moderate opposition candidate, won 0.55 percent of the vote – in which almost two-thirds of those eligible to cast ballots did so. However, the commission noted that the count did not reflect votes placed in ballot boxes that had been destroyed by demonstrators.

“I’m very happy about the outcome,” Komi Selom Klassou, director of Gnassingbe’s campaign, told journalists. “The president said that his victory would be a victory for all the Togolese people. You can be sure that he plans to reach out to all citizens in order to build a stable Togo.”

For its part, the opposition swiftly claimed that “massive fraud” had taken place, not only during the election itself, but also in the verification of voter lists, and the distribution of voting cards.

Youths who gathered in the streets could be heard chanting “They stole our victory.”

Concerns about these matters had led Akitani-Bob, Olympio and another presidential candidate, Nicolas Lawson, to call for a postponement of the vote, (Lawson later withdrew from the race). Interior Minister Francois Boko called for the poll to be suspended – an appeal which resulted in him being sacked. The minister is since reported to have taken refuge in the German embassy.

The electoral campaign was also punctuated by incidents of violence, with rival militants clashing in several neighborhoods of the capital over the weekend of Apr. 16-17. Six ruling party members and one opposition supporter are said to have died in these incidents.

“We refuse to accept that for the umpteenth time, they are stealing the election out from under us,” Jean Pierre Fabre, general secretary of the Union of Forces of Change (UFC), told IPS. This group forms part of a six-party coalition represented at the polls by Akitani-Bob.

UFC is also the party of exiled opposition leader Gilchrist Olympio, a long-time opponent of Eyadema until the latter’s death in February this year.

Gnassingbe took over as head of state after his father’s death with the support of Togo’s military – but agreed to hold elections after global leaders denounced the move as unconstitutional. He stood as the candidate for the ruling Rally of the Togolese People.

Many Togolese opponents of Gnassingbe, who came across the border from Ghana and now occupy part of the capital, are calling for mass resistance to the new regime. The opposition is also calling on its supporters to “mobilize, and resist” the government.

Cheick Oumar Diarra, assistant executive secretary of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which deployed 150 election observers to Togo, said that several irregularities had been noted in Sunday’s poll. However, these were not sufficiently serious to cast doubt on the election’s credibility.

Adote Ghandi Akwe, president of the Togolese League for Human Rights, disagreed with this assessment – citing the absence of monitors during vote counting. This, he noted, was in violation of electoral law.

Another non-governmental organisation, Initiative 150, issued a statement claiming that numerous attempts had been made to stuff ballot boxes in polling stations where opposition representatives were denied access.

“After the election, hooded militiamen grabbed away ballot boxes by force, which, according to law, are supposed to be opened in public,” the group added.

Gnassingbe has said he intends forming a government of national unity to calm the situation in Togo.

However, Gilchrist Olympio rejected this offer, describing Sunday’s poll as a “charade”. Instead, he is calling for a revision of Togolese law to allow for fresh elections within the next two years.

Attacks against French expatriates in Lome have also been reported. Many Togolese believe France played a key part in helping Eyadema hold on to power for 38 years, (the former leader seized control of the country during a 1967 coup).

In addition, more than 1,000 Togolese fleeing violence caused by the contested election sought refuge Tuesday in Benin, according to the mayor’s office in the border town of Grand-Popo, contacted by IPS Wednesday.

* With additional reporting by Ali Idrissou-Toure in Cotonou

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Feb 19 2005 (IPS)

Togo’s government found itself under siege both locally and regionally Saturday, as a protest in the capital, Lome, coincided with news that the Economic Community of West African States would impose sanctions on the administration.

Togo’s government found itself under siege both locally and regionally Saturday, as a protest in the capital, Lome, coincided with news that the Economic Community of West African States would impose sanctions on the administration.

Both developments came in response to the unconstitutional appointment of Faure Gnassingbe as head of state.

Gnassingbe was nominated to the post by Togo’s army just hours after the Feb. 5 death of former leader Gnassingbe Eyadema, his father.

The move drew sharp criticism as it contravened a constitutional requirement for the speaker of Togo’s national assembly, Fambare Natchaba, to assume power for two months in event of the head of state’s demise, until a presidential election could be held. Natchaba is currently exiled in Benin.

A compromise arrangement was put forward by Gnassingbe on Friday that would have allowed him to remain in power for 60 days while a poll was organised. This followed an amendment to the constitution hurriedly voted on by legislators Feb. 6 to legitimise his appointment.

However, the arrangement was dismissed by Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo Saturday, during talks with a Togolese delegation in Nigeria’s capital – Abuja.

Lome now faces suspension from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and a travel ban on high-ranking Togolese officials. On Monday, Benin’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rogatien Biaou, told the country’s parliament that ECOWAS might also call on the African Union, European Union and United Nations to cooperate in freezing assets which these persons hold abroad.

In Lome, up to 30,000 people protested Saturday in response to a call by six opposition parties for citizens to demonstrate their rejection of Gnassingbe’s appointment.

"We don’t have other weapons (than protest); we can only mobilize the public. And, we’re counting on this to make the regime back off and step down," Jean Pierre Fabre, secretary-general of the Union of Forces for Change (Union des forces du changement, UFC), told IPS. The UFC was one of the opposition groups that organised the march.

"We ourselves must fight this illegal regime before demanding support from the international community," added Madeleine Agbelewou, a trader in Lome, although she praised Obasanjo’s refusal to accept Gnassingbe’s proposal.

Zeus Ajavon, a Lome-based attorney who heads a coalition of civil society groups which oppose Gnassingbe’s appointment, has even argued that Togolese citizens are legally obliged to protest against the latest developments in the West African state.

"We have provisions in the Togolese constitution, notably article 145, which permits us to respond to the kind of situation we now have in this country," he told IPS this week. The clause referred to by Ajavon makes it a duty of all citizens to fight attacks on democracy in Togo.

The protesters wound their way through several streets in Lome before gathering at a square in the centre of the city, shouting slogans and brandishing placards critical of the new president.

They also denounced France and French President Jacques Chirac, a close friend of Eyadema, accusing him of supporting the Togolese government despite its record of political repression and human rights abuse.

While a French flag was set alight in the course of the march, no incidents of violence were immediately reported.

Similar protests held a week ago are said to have claimed up to four lives, while another person was apparently killed on Monday. Dozens were also injured when Togolese police attempted to put down the demonstrations on Feb. 12, and when officials took action in response to a strike held on Monday.

Several thousand presidential supporters also gathered Saturday at the residence previously occupied by Eyadema, to address Gnassingbe.

"As certain critics of our country want us to hold elections, we’ll do so – and you will be our candidate," said Harvey d’Almeida, a spokesman for supporters of the ruling party, the Rally of the Togolese People.

Responding to his supporters, Gnassingbe accepted the invitation for him to contest a presidential poll, and expressed the hope that ECOWAS would assist Togo in its electoral preparations.

He said the need to maintain national peace and security in the wake of Eyadema’s death had necessitated "urgent measures".

"In a country like ours where the social fabric remains fragile, a power vacuum created by the death of the head of state may have unforeseen consequences," he noted.

Even as the pressure on Gnassingbe mounts, there are signs that Togolese officials are working to undermine the regional consensus about the past fortnight’s events that sparked the call for sanctions.

Last week, a delegation from Lome visited Benin, which reportedly joined Ghana earlier this month in suggesting that Togo be given up to six months to engineer a return to constitutional rule.

This week, a Togolese delegation held talks with Blaise Compaore, president of Burkina Faso, one of the countries that will suffer most when sanctions against Lome are implemented.

Landlocked Burkina Faso currently depends on the port of Lome to receive many of its imports and exports. Although port facilities in the Ivorian commercial hub of Abidjan are situated closer to the Burkinabe capital, Ouagadougou, political unrest in the Ivory Coast has prevented Burkina Faso from making use of this harbour since 2002.

Compaore apparently asked Lome for "presidential and legislative elections open to all" to be held quickly. Crucially, there was no insistence on stripping Gnassingbe of the presidency first.

"It sounds like they (the Togolese) are trying to divide the heads of state," Issa Mondi-Mondi, a political analyst based in the Beninese capital of Cotonou, told IPS.

Another Beninese analyst, Roger Gbegnonvi, noted: "I don’t believe in the firmness of several of ECOWAS’s heads of state; but I do believe that Obasanjo will stay the course. If he does, the others will too."

* With additional reporting by Ali Idrissou-Toure in Cotonou. No Peace at Home, No Peace Abroad

Noel Kokou Tadegnon*

LOME, Feb 19 (IPS) – Togo’s government found itself under siege both locally and regionally Saturday, as a protest in the capital, Lome, coincided with news that the Economic Community of West African States would impose sanctions on the administration.

Both developments came in response to the unconstitutional appointment of Faure Gnassingbe as head of state.

Gnassingbe was nominated to the post by Togo’s army just hours after the Feb. 5 death of former leader Gnassingbe Eyadema, his father.

The move drew sharp criticism as it contravened a constitutional requirement for the speaker of Togo’s national assembly, Fambare Natchaba, to assume power for two months in event of the head of state’s demise, until a presidential election could be held. Natchaba is currently exiled in Benin.

A compromise arrangement was put forward by Gnassingbe on Friday that would have allowed him to remain in power for 60 days while a poll was organised. This followed an amendment to the constitution hurriedly voted on by legislators Feb. 6 to legitimise his appointment.

However, the arrangement was dismissed by Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo Saturday, during talks with a Togolese delegation in Nigeria’s capital – Abuja.

Lome now faces suspension from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and a travel ban on high-ranking Togolese officials. On Monday, Benin’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rogatien Biaou, told the country’s parliament that ECOWAS might also call on the African Union, European Union and United Nations to cooperate in freezing assets which these persons hold abroad.

In Lome, up to 30,000 people protested Saturday in response to a call by six opposition parties for citizens to demonstrate their rejection of Gnassingbe’s appointment.

"We don’t have other weapons (than protest); we can only mobilize the public. And, we’re counting on this to make the regime back off and step down," Jean Pierre Fabre, secretary-general of the Union of Forces for Change (Union des forces du changement, UFC), told IPS. The UFC was one of the opposition groups that organised the march.

"We ourselves must fight this illegal regime before demanding support from the international community," added Madeleine Agbelewou, a trader in Lome, although she praised Obasanjo’s refusal to accept Gnassingbe’s proposal.

Zeus Ajavon, a Lome-based attorney who heads a coalition of civil society groups which oppose Gnassingbe’s appointment, has even argued that Togolese citizens are legally obliged to protest against the latest developments in the West African state.

"We have provisions in the Togolese constitution, notably article 145, which permits us to respond to the kind of situation we now have in this country," he told IPS this week. The clause referred to by Ajavon makes it a duty of all citizens to fight attacks on democracy in Togo.

The protesters wound their way through several streets in Lome before gathering at a square in the centre of the city, shouting slogans and brandishing placards critical of the new president.

They also denounced France and French President Jacques Chirac, a close friend of Eyadema, accusing him of supporting the Togolese government despite its record of political repression and human rights abuse.

While a French flag was set alight in the course of the march, no incidents of violence were immediately reported.

Similar protests held a week ago are said to have claimed up to four lives, while another person was apparently killed on Monday. Dozens were also injured when Togolese police attempted to put down the demonstrations on Feb. 12, and when officials took action in response to a strike held on Monday.

Several thousand presidential supporters also gathered Saturday at the residence previously occupied by Eyadema, to address Gnassingbe.

"As certain critics of our country want us to hold elections, we’ll do so – and you will be our candidate," said Harvey d’Almeida, a spokesman for supporters of the ruling party, the Rally of the Togolese People.

Responding to his supporters, Gnassingbe accepted the invitation for him to contest a presidential poll, and expressed the hope that ECOWAS would assist Togo in its electoral preparations.

He said the need to maintain national peace and security in the wake of Eyadema’s death had necessitated "urgent measures".

"In a country like ours where the social fabric remains fragile, a power vacuum created by the death of the head of state may have unforeseen consequences," he noted.

Even as the pressure on Gnassingbe mounts, there are signs that Togolese officials are working to undermine the regional consensus about the past fortnight’s events that sparked the call for sanctions.

Last week, a delegation from Lome visited Benin, which reportedly joined Ghana earlier this month in suggesting that Togo be given up to six months to engineer a return to constitutional rule.

This week, a Togolese delegation held talks with Blaise Compaore, president of Burkina Faso, one of the countries that will suffer most when sanctions against Lome are implemented.

Landlocked Burkina Faso currently depends on the port of Lome to receive many of its imports and exports. Although port facilities in the Ivorian commercial hub of Abidjan are situated closer to the Burkinabe capital, Ouagadougou, political unrest in the Ivory Coast has prevented Burkina Faso from making use of this harbour since 2002.

Compaore apparently asked Lome for "presidential and legislative elections open to all" to be held quickly. Crucially, there was no insistence on stripping Gnassingbe of the presidency first.

"It sounds like they (the Togolese) are trying to divide the heads of state," Issa Mondi-Mondi, a political analyst based in the Beninese capital of Cotonou, told IPS.

Another Beninese analyst, Roger Gbegnonvi, noted: "I don’t believe in the firmness of several of ECOWAS’s heads of state; but I do believe that Obasanjo will stay the course. If he does, the others will too."

* With additional reporting by Ali Idrissou-Toure in Cotonou.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Feb 19 2005 (IPS)

Togo’s government found itself under siege both locally and regionally Saturday, as a protest in the capital, Lome, coincided with news that the Economic Community of West African States would impose sanctions on the administration.

Both developments came in response to the unconstitutional appointment of Faure Gnassingbe as head of state.

Gnassingbe was nominated to the post by Togo’s army just hours after the Feb. 5 death of former leader Gnassingbe Eyadema, his father.

The move drew sharp criticism as it contravened a constitutional requirement for the speaker of Togo’s national assembly, Fambare Natchaba, to assume power for two months in event of the head of state’s demise, until a presidential election could be held. Natchaba is currently exiled in Benin.

A compromise arrangement was put forward by Gnassingbe on Friday that would have allowed him to remain in power for 60 days while a poll was organised. This followed an amendment to the constitution hurriedly voted on by legislators Feb. 6 to legitimise his appointment.

However, the arrangement was dismissed by Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo Saturday, during talks with a Togolese delegation in Nigeria’s capital – Abuja.

Lome now faces suspension from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and a travel ban on high-ranking Togolese officials. On Monday, Benin’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rogatien Biaou, told the country’s parliament that ECOWAS might also call on the African Union, European Union and United Nations to cooperate in freezing assets which these persons hold abroad.

In Lome, up to 30,000 people protested Saturday in response to a call by six opposition parties for citizens to demonstrate their rejection of Gnassingbe’s appointment.

"We don’t have other weapons (than protest); we can only mobilize the public. And, we’re counting on this to make the regime back off and step down," Jean Pierre Fabre, secretary-general of the Union of Forces for Change (Union des forces du changement, UFC), told IPS. The UFC was one of the opposition groups that organised the march.

"We ourselves must fight this illegal regime before demanding support from the international community," added Madeleine Agbelewou, a trader in Lome, although she praised Obasanjo’s refusal to accept Gnassingbe’s proposal.

Zeus Ajavon, a Lome-based attorney who heads a coalition of civil society groups which oppose Gnassingbe’s appointment, has even argued that Togolese citizens are legally obliged to protest against the latest developments in the West African state.

"We have provisions in the Togolese constitution, notably article 145, which permits us to respond to the kind of situation we now have in this country," he told IPS this week. The clause referred to by Ajavon makes it a duty of all citizens to fight attacks on democracy in Togo.

The protesters wound their way through several streets in Lome before gathering at a square in the centre of the city, shouting slogans and brandishing placards critical of the new president.

They also denounced France and French President Jacques Chirac, a close friend of Eyadema, accusing him of supporting the Togolese government despite its record of political repression and human rights abuse.

While a French flag was set alight in the course of the march, no incidents of violence were immediately reported.

Similar protests held a week ago are said to have claimed up to four lives, while another person was apparently killed on Monday. Dozens were also injured when Togolese police attempted to put down the demonstrations on Feb. 12, and when officials took action in response to a strike held on Monday.

Several thousand presidential supporters also gathered Saturday at the residence previously occupied by Eyadema, to address Gnassingbe.

"As certain critics of our country want us to hold elections, we’ll do so – and you will be our candidate," said Harvey d’Almeida, a spokesman for supporters of the ruling party, the Rally of the Togolese People.

Responding to his supporters, Gnassingbe accepted the invitation for him to contest a presidential poll, and expressed the hope that ECOWAS would assist Togo in its electoral preparations.

He said the need to maintain national peace and security in the wake of Eyadema’s death had necessitated "urgent measures".

"In a country like ours where the social fabric remains fragile, a power vacuum created by the death of the head of state may have unforeseen consequences," he noted.

Even as the pressure on Gnassingbe mounts, there are signs that Togolese officials are working to undermine the regional consensus about the past fortnight’s events that sparked the call for sanctions.

Last week, a delegation from Lome visited Benin, which reportedly joined Ghana earlier this month in suggesting that Togo be given up to six months to engineer a return to constitutional rule.

This week, a Togolese delegation held talks with Blaise Compaore, president of Burkina Faso, one of the countries that will suffer most when sanctions against Lome are implemented.

Landlocked Burkina Faso currently depends on the port of Lome to receive many of its imports and exports. Although port facilities in the Ivorian commercial hub of Abidjan are situated closer to the Burkinabe capital, Ouagadougou, political unrest in the Ivory Coast has prevented Burkina Faso from making use of this harbour since 2002.

Compaore apparently asked Lome for "presidential and legislative elections open to all" to be held quickly. Crucially, there was no insistence on stripping Gnassingbe of the presidency first.

"It sounds like they (the Togolese) are trying to divide the heads of state," Issa Mondi-Mondi, a political analyst based in the Beninese capital of Cotonou, told IPS.

Another Beninese analyst, Roger Gbegnonvi, noted: "I don’t believe in the firmness of several of ECOWAS’s heads of state; but I do believe that Obasanjo will stay the course. If he does, the others will too."

* With additional reporting by Ali Idrissou-Toure in Cotonou.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Dec 8 2004 (IPS)

News that an agreement has been signed to supply power to electricity-starved parts of northern Togo and Benin has been welcomed by residents of these areas.

The 8.8 million dollar accord was initialed last month by the West African Development Bank (BOAD) and the Benin Electricity Community (CEB), a Lome-based group that includes representatives from Benin and Togo.

According to the CEB, the project will allow construction of power lines connecting northern regions of Togo and Benin to electricity grids in the south of the countries. At present, northern Togo and Benin experience regular power cuts that disrupt the lives of residents, and undermine economic activity there.

“Our hope is that the project will be finished soon to alleviate our suffering,” Ousmane Akpaki, a shopkeeper in Kemerida, northern Togo, told IPS.

In all, 692 kilometres of cable will be installed, 345 kilometres in Togo between the cities of Atakpame, Kara, Dapaong and Mango. The remaining 347 will be in Benin, between Djougou, Natitingou, Parakou, N’Dali and Bembereke. The lines are expected to be in use by October 2007.

CED executive Kossi Ametogbe Sowou says the rate of access to electricity in northern Togo and Benin, which now averages about 10 percent in the two regions, may reach up to 30 percent after the project is completed.

“This project will improve and increase the availability of electrical power and reduce the importation and use of diesel fuel,” he told those who attended a presentation aimed at providing information about the project to the public.

The president of BOAD, Boni Yayi, predicts a similar increase of power use in northern Togo and Benin: “It will allow for a permanent 20 percent increase in access to electricity, while it will lower electricity costs for consumers.” At present, the cost per kilowatt/hour of electricity in these two areas varies between about 11 and 13 cents, according to consumers interviewed by IPS.

Sowou claims the project will also promote economic activity, increase the number of available jobs in the areas – and improve local transportation, since roads will be built for the electrical wires to be installed. Perishable medical and food products that are difficult to store in northern Togo and Benin may also become more widely available.

“The agreement…shows our firm intention to support regional integration in the very strategic energy sector,” said Yayi.

The CEB was created to produce, buy and market electricity in Togo and Benin. Current production involves the use of gas turbines and the Nangbeto Hydroelectric Dam in Togo. The CEB also buys electricity from the Volta Region Authority in Ghana and the Cote d’Ivoire Electric Company.

At the beginning of 2004, Togo and Benin also launched a project to build a hydroelectric dam in Benin on the Mono River, which flows between the two countries. CEB officials say the project is aimed at producing energy at reduced cost, and decreasing dependence on petroleum products. The total cost of the initiative is put at about 162 million dollars.

The two countries have called on foreign donors to fund the dam. Chinese Vice-President Zeng Qinghong announced a loan of about 36.7 million dollars for the project during a visit to Togo last June.

Electricity woes have also beset other countries in West Africa.

As IPS reported earlier this year, aging equipment and falling water levels at two hydroelectric dams in Cameroon have taken a toll on power distribution in this state, and businesses there have complained that lack of electricity is eating into their bottom line. Plans have been made to build two new dams, at Lom-Pangar and Natchigal, to alleviate the energy shortage.

A study by the Inter-Employers Group of Cameroon and the Manufacturers Association of Cameroon predicted growth of four percent growth in Cameroon this year – down from the 4.2 percent and 4.8 percent of 2003 and 2002 respectively. Business executives say the uncertain supply of electricity is a major factor behind their expectations of lower growth.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Nov 7 2004 (IPS)

Prized by women in West and Central Africa, “Real Dutch Wax” cloth – with its distinctive colours and patterns – has for three decades been a staple in the wardrobes of those wealthy enough to afford it. The name refers to the process of using wax to dye material.

These days, even more women are stepping out in clothes that appear to be made from Dutch wax fabric. On closer inspection, however, the cloth turns out to be a clever reproduction of the real thing.

Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery. However, many in Togo are unimpressed at the flourishing trade in cloth which copies designs from fabrics produced by the traditional manufacturer of Dutch wax textiles – Vlisco, based in Holland.

“We condemn the flooding of the Togolese market with fake cloth that uses patented designs,” says Beneti Gagalo of the Togolese Consumers’ Association.

A similar sentiment is voiced by Evelyn Trénou, general secretary of the Cloth Resellers Association of Togo (l’Association des revendeuses de pagnes du Togo, ARPT), who alleges that most of the counterfeit fabric comes from the Far East. But, local business people have also been prominent in promoting this trade, it appears.

“Merchants like us who have import licenses are responsible for this problem. They also import other products from China and they were the ones who suggested to the Chinese that they produce counterfeit cloth,” Trénou told IPS.

Producers of the fake wax material operate with ruthless efficiency.

“Seven to eight weeks after cloths with new designs go on the market, they’re copied and appear in their counterfeit form,” Frederique Ferraille, chief executive officer of the Vlisco African Company (VAC Togo), which imports real wax fabrics, said in an interview with IPS.

The Vlisco Group, based in Holland, owns 66 percent of VAC Togo, while Togolese citizens own 34 percent of shares.

Dede Creppy, president of the ARPT, says the influx of fake cloth – which began almost five years ago – is taking a toll on sellers of the genuine article, as well as on the national economy. Vendors of counterfeit cloth pay less tax, because their products are cheaper.

“While a genuine ‘half-length’ of cloth costs 30,000 CFA francs (about 58 dollars), a counterfeit one sells for about 8,000 CFA francs (about 15 dollars),” Ferraille says.

Adds Anani Atti, a member of the Togolese Standards Assocation, “Counterfeiting is a good way to kill the national economy.”

Sellers of genuine wax fabrics claim the quality of fake cloth is inferior to their own.

“The bad side of the counterfeiting phenomenon includes consumer deception, poor quality and decreased productivity,” observes Kofi Dravi Ahiekpor, a textile designer based in the capital, Lome.

However, these allegations have done little to discourage the public from buying pirated designs.

“I think it’s great that now we’ve got cheaper cloth, because purchasing versions that cost upwards of 25,000 CFA francs (about 48 dollars) was difficult, if not impossible, for us,” says Madeleine Atisso, a hairdresser in Lome.

Teacher Holali Sedjro agrees. “With the arrival of these 8,000 CFA franc cloths on the market, everyone can wear one. Just a short time ago that was a luxury. I think it’s great – now, even a poor person can dress nicely,” she said.

Trénou takes little comfort from the fact that many women can now be chic on a shoestring.

“Today I make only a third of what I used to earn,” she says. In the 1980s, Trénou notes, VAC was able to sell nine container loads of cloth a month. Today, it clears about three loads. Ferraille believes he may well have to close shop.

Genuine Dutch wax fabrics are distributed in Togo to wholesalers and large retailers that sell them to local clients and customers elsewhere in Africa. During the 1980s, VAC supplied about 30 wholesalers and 500 to 600 dealers. Now, barely 20 wholesalers are on its books.

“There’s been less movement and there are more problems in the market…There’s been some underhanded competition in the cloth business,” says Ferraille.

On the bright side, a law outlawing counterfeits was passed in Togo in 2001.

At present, a number of pirating cases are being investigated by the courts with the help of customs officials and Togo’s Ministry of Trade. This follows the seizure of several containers of fake cloth from China.

The Togolese government has also approached VAC in order to study the counterfeiting problem further.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, May 12 2004 (IPS)

Dozens of newspapers, scores of radio stations and five television channels…At first glance, Togo seems like a media junkie’s dream destination. But does being spoilt for choice translate into press freedom?

This question has received an airing in recent days, thanks to a report by the Paris-based media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontieres – RSF), and the response it drew from Togolese Communication Minister Pitang Tchalla.

In the report, issued to coincide with World Press Freedom Day (May 3), RSF claims that the Togolese government continued its attacks against the independent media in 2003.

“Gnassingbé Eyadéma is sub-Saharan Africa’s longest-serving president, but his relations with his country’s press continued to be fraught,” said the report, adding “He did not hesitate to summon journalists to his office to lecture them. Journalists for their part did not hesitate to publish scathing reports about his family, sometimes at the expense of professional ethics.”

One such case involved Tropik FM, a privately-owned radio station based in the capital, Lome, which angered authorities after allowing government critics to air their views during a programme called ‘Political and Civic Forum’.

According to RSF, “Station manager Albert Biki Tchékin was called to the president’s residence and was accused by Eyadéma of letting the opposition insult his government.”

Tropik was shut down for about two weeks from Feb. 28 2003 – but allowed back on air after being warned to avoid the kind of statements that had resulted in its closure.

Tchalla airily dismisses these claims. “Togo is unconcerned by the Reporters Without Borders’ report, because the situation it describes is a thing of the past,” he said on May 3 during a speech to mark World Press Freedom Day. “The proof is that there is not one journalist in prison – and the fact that all journalists can freely practice their profession in Togo.”

“If you look at the profusion of publicly and privately-owned newspapers, radio stations, and television stations, you can see that the freedom is there,” he added.

But, Tchalla’s willingness to equate a diversity of media outlets with press freedom is not shared by all.

Daniel Lawson-Drackey, an editorial writer at another privately-owned station, Nana FM, says “To shout from the rooftops that there are more than 200 newspapers, 50 radio stations, and five television stations in Togo – and then quickly conclude that that’s proof of freedom of expression in this country is a purely theoretical viewpoint.” Lawson-Drackey is also a former secretary-general of the Union of Independent Journalists of Togo (UJIT).

“Restrictions of a sociopolitical and legal nature affect freedom of the press in Togo,” Lawson-Drackey told IPS.

Media freedom is guaranteed by Togo’s constitution, but the Press and Communications Code, adopted in 2002, undermines this principle. The code, which is presently being revised, imposes prison terms and fines on any journalist found guilty of defaming the military or government authorities.

Tchalla’s statements also appear to gloss over the plight of journalists Dimas Dzikodo, Colombo Kpakpabia and Philip Evégnon. RSF says the three men were arrested in June last year after attempting to publish photographs that showed apparent police brutality. Officials claimed the shots were actually of road accident victims.

Dzikodo and Kpakpabia were reportedly abused by police during their detention, and Dzikodo is said to have been the target of continued harassment after his release.

An additional three journalists were detained last year by officials and what RSF describes as “armed civilians claiming to be gendarmes”. However, publishers Julien Ayi and Sylvestre Djahlin Nicoué were also released in 2003.

Francis Pedro Amunzou, President of the Togolese Media Observatory (OTM), says several outlets have antagonized the public in recent months by publishing false information. OTM is a self-regulatory body for the media.

“In Togo, the broadcast of false information is a favorite sport of journalists,” he said in an interview, adding “The Togolese press sees corruption everywhere.”

One notable instance of alleged misreporting concerns Innocent Sossou, a journalist for the Togolese weekly ‘Le Carrefour’ (The Crossroads). He allegedly told RSF on Apr. 22 last year that he had received death threats after publishing an article critical of Eyadema’s government.

A day later, the media watchdog issued a press release condemning the threats. However, Sossou later published a retraction in which he denied having been threatened.

“RSF’s press release was politically motivated,” Sossou said.

John Zodzi, RSF’s representative in Togo, said he was surprised by the apparent about face. “He harassed me with this story until I contacted my bosses in Paris. They called him by telephone and he confirmed that he had been threatened,” Zodzi told IPS.

Various explanations have been put forward about the real sequence of events last April. These range from claims that Sossou was bribed by officials eager to discredit RSF to the more sympathetic view that he was intimidated into changing his statement. IPS was unable to get comment on the matter from the writer himself.

Abass Issaka, an organizer for UJIT, said in an interview that the grouping was trying its best to get journalists to “respect professional ethics…constantly offering training seminars on the subject."

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Apr 5 2004 (IPS)

A study just completed in Togo has revealed high levels of child abuse in the West African state.

Almost 370 men, women and children were surveyed for the study, which found instances of paedophilia, illegal child labour, trafficking – and discrimination against children who were disabled, or from certain ethnic groups.

Of the 181 children interviewed, 98.9 percent said they had suffered physical abuse – or been forced to perform hard physical labor.

The research was done by the Togolese branch of the African Network for Child Protection and the Prevention of Negligence and Abuse (APPCAN) between September 2003 and March 2004. APPCAN issued its findings in a report published Mar. 31, which highlighted four main forms of mistreatment: physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse and parental neglect.

“There was a uniformity in the way people conducted themselves,” said Abla Dotse, an APPCAN member. “Neither ethnic origin, nor religion, nor…level of education” distinguished the abusers, she added.

The study said emotional abuse took the form of insults, intimidation, unjustified accusations and the vilification of orphans’ dead parents.

“Each time the child next door makes a mistake, the neighbor insults her dead parents, and hits her with kitchen utensils or belt buckles,” Alida Mathia, an executive secretary in Lome, told IPS. “Most recently, she violently beat the girl with a ladle and gave her a head injury.”

The study also indicated that girls aged 11 to 14 were exploited by so-called “godfathers” who turned them into prostitutes. Just last week (Mar. 29), police rounded up a group of girls in Lome between the ages of 12 and 17 who were being prostituted by a man now sought by authorities.

“I live with my aunt who doesn’t give me any money, so in order to eat I have to prostitute myself,” says Manavi Koumaka, 14. She earns about one dollar per customer, most of which is taken by her pimp.

Most of these girls live in groups of 10 to 15 in communal homes run by an “aunt” who has no actual relationship to the girls, says Dotse. Fifty percent of adults questioned for the study said they were aware of specific cases of sexual abuse.

According to APPCAN, mistreatment is linked to poverty and a refusal to recognize the rights of children.

The study recommended that the popular view of corporal punishment as acceptable when dealing with children should be debated, and alternatives proposed. “In their responses, some parents said that such punishment was the preferred way to discipline children who were overly stubborn,” explained Dotse.

It also advised the rapid implementation of laws which would protect minors, and punish offenses against them – and efforts to combat the poverty that spawned abuse.

In 1990, Togo ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by the UN in 1989. The country has also signed the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, which was adopted by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights in July 1990.

“These two pacts were supposed to guarantee children effective protection of their rights, but they still undergo daily violence of every kind,” Dotse lamented.

Added Maly, “We need to launch a real awareness campaign which will put an end to this trend."

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Sep 13 2003 (IPS)

Ayele Ajavon is a happy woman, so she believes. After she was divorced by her husband, she sought solace in the church.

”I turned to the church and found a job and a new partner,” says Ajavon, now a secretary in the capital Lome.

But Ajavon cannot take any step or decision without consulting her pastor who also happens to be her ”new partner”.

And she donates part of her salary to the church, as tithe. ”I owe everything to the pastor and the money that I give the church every month is really nothing,” she says.

Ajavon is not alone. Many Togolese women have been taken for a ride by their pastors. The fledgling charismatic churches, which are mushrooming in Togo, promise eternal life, peace of mind, happiness and fortune.

Yet none of the women has become rich. Instead they are being stripped of their possessions by church leaders.

”The ‘Deeper Life’ sect in Lome, for example, urges women to give pastors their gold and silver jewelry, but no one knows what this sect does with the jewelry,” says Magloire Kouakouvi, a professor of philosophy at the University of Lome.

The majority of church goers are women and they are also its main victims.

”Many couples have divorced because of the constant absence of the woman, who spends long nighttime prayer sessions rather than stay at home to take care of her family,” says Nadine Lawson-Hellou, a nurse.

But Lina Apedo, a shopkeeper, disagrees. She denounces the attempt to vilify the charismatic churches. ”It’s a minor problem because it’s really the churches that reunite the couples,” she argues.

Unfortunately, there is no statistics to back up the claims of the church-related divorce rate in Togo.

Before 1990, most sects evolved underground when Togo was still under a one-party system; they were frequently raided by the police. But once the multiparty process began, especially when the banning of religious groups was lifted, the number of sects began to proliferate.

Since 1990, the ministry of interior has recorded 500 charismatic churches in Togo.

Very skillful at interpreting the Bible, the pastors have succeeded in recruiting members, often women, who have financial, family and employment problems.

The Bible and Jesus Christ stand at the centre of each sect, although each group brings its own slight modifications to the original doctrine.

Most of the sects develop from contributions from the church members. ”Our pastor sometimes sets a minimum of 10,000 CFA (about 17 US dollars) to give to the church,” says Akouvi Dogno, a housewife.

”I just couldn’t do it any longer, so I quit,” she says.

Some sects even organise fund-raising activities. They demand that their followers bring certain products, which they sell and keep the money for the church.

The sects also receive donations from members or from those seeking a miracle. ”In our church, donations can come in the form of money, a car, or land on which they can build another church; everything depends on the donor. I would certainly give if I had the means,” says Florence Tsikplonou, a trader at a Lome market.

Some of the sects mix African religion with Christian practices.

Such churches exist in almost every corner of Lome. Generally, they are located in private homes which are quickly transformed into churches with evening prayer sessions.

The sects also exploit the airwaves, promoting their activities through television or radio.

”People in Africa think of God as a magician. ‘I want a job, I want to get married. I’m going to pray to God so he gives me what I want’,” explains Kouakouvi.

“Established churches, like Catholic and Anglican, do not engage in miracles as the charismatic churches do,” he says.

Catholic priest Casimir Kodo blames the Roman church for allowing the charismatic churches to steal its followers. ”The sects mix up nationalism with Christianity, and it’s fascinating,” he says.

For Muslims, who make up five percent of Togo’s population, the growing charismatic churches are hardly surprising. Lome’s Grand Mosque Imam Ibrahim Sylla says: ”The Koran predicted this situation a very long time ago and it’s only now that people are starting to realise it”.

But for followers of traditional African religions, who make up 75 of Togo’s population, these sects are nothing but ”demonic”.

“These pastors are ripping off their members and even taking other people’s wives,” claims Augustin Assiobo, Lome’s high priest of Voodoo.

The sects make headlines in the local papers, with cases of robbery, adultery and theft often featuring prominently. Arsene Mensah, the secretary general of an anti-AIDS group, says some ”false pastors” claim that they can treat HIV/AIDS. ”Through their sermons, they rip-off sick people and their families, and they make lots of money doing it. Often, the sick die,” says Mensah.

”These pastors are conmen,” says Joelle Kloutse, a student. She admits to having been robbed, with her mother, by a pastor. ”He was a young man who put together a church in our neighborhood and succeeded in getting us excited. After he took the money and property from church members, he ran-off with his girlfriend to the United States,” she says.

But Dieudonne Alouka, who is in charge of a sect called ”Ministry of Health”, disagrees. According to him, the accusations are aimed at vilifying pastors’ and their work.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Togo, Apr 30 2003 (IPS)

Debates about foreign financing of elections in West Africa is beginning to take the central political stage, as civil groups question the merits of such funding. Take Mali’s 2002 elections, for example, which cost about 34 million U.S. dollars. More than a quarter of that amount, or 9 million U.S. dollars, was footed by foreign institutions and countries, according to Abderhamane Niang, an election consultant from Mali. ”Our elections are so expensive that they always drain our resources, but the foreign funding, which we receive for running such elections, undermine our national sovereignty,” Niang argues.

"West Africans should take their destiny into their hands and finance their elections, not foreigners," he says. To hold its parliamentary elections last year, Burkina Faso received 300,000 U.S. dollars from France, 1.1 million U.S. dollars from The Netherlands, 192,000 U.S. dollars from Sweden, 42,000 U.S. dollars from Canada, and 75,000 U.S. dollars from the Intergovernmental Agency of French-Speaking Communities. The money was used to pay observers, finance advertisements, and train electoral officials, as well as pay for equipment for the National Independent Electoral Commission. When the Togolese government encountered problems with funding its legislative elections last year, it revised its election budget downward. Initially set at about 7 million U.S. dollars, it was lowered to about 4.5 million U.S. dollars. Sega Sow, an election observer, notes, ”We need to think in terms of national sovereignty and set a deadline by which we’ll be able to finance our own elections”. ”It is the responsibility of our governments and citizens to agree on the need to hold credible elections. To begin with, African countries must find a way to finance the elections,” says Alele El hadj Habibou of the Independent Network for the Supervision of Elections in Africa, a non-governmental organisation (NGO) which specialises in observing elections. Participants at last month’s forum, ”Critical Analysis of Election Processes in Africa”, held in Lome, the Togolese capital, recommended creation of a "voting-equipment bank", to be financed by African organisations. This equipment, they said, could be shared by several countries and reduce the need for each country to pay for its own. They also urged the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of the West African States (ECOWAS) and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) to create a special fund to pay for election monitoring. The 200 participants, representing some dozen African countries, agreed that their governments lacked the resources to fully pay for elections. Falilou Kane, president of the Independent Network for the Supervision of Elections in Africa, said Africa’s democratic process over the past decade had not been perfect. ”The bodies responsible for organising the elections lack clear goals,” he argued. El Hadj Mbodj, a UN official, said the multi-party democracy introduced in Africa ”has been poorly enacted and poorly understood”. And for majority of Africans, he said, ”the democratic struggle consists simply of seizing power”. ”We still remember what happened in Cote d’Ivoire, where violence erupted during the 2000 presidential election,” says Koffi Mattey, a teacher in Lome. ”What is most deplorable about Africa’s elections is the fear of what may follow in their aftermaths, especially, the spectre of violence,” said Akila-Esso Boko, the Togolese Minister of the Interior. ”The election process could help consolidate our communities and keep the peace if only they would take into account our common interests”. Ibrahim Boubakar Keita, Speaker of Mali’s National Assembly, who is also the president of the Union of African Parliaments, deplored the lack of confidence possessed by most political actors in the bodies that organise elections in Africa. Niang believes poorly-organised elections serve as a pretext for political conflict, which, he argues, weaken African countries and slow down development. According to him, making election laws clearer and conducting polls properly make the holding of elections more credible. ”We want to hold elections which don’t end up in turmoil. Today, elections are universally-accepted as the only way to hand over power smoothly in a democratic dispensation,” said Koffi Sama, the Prime Minister of Togo. ”In this respect, we must remember that all elections, whether local, regional or national, should lead toward three objectives: strengthening national cohesion, respecting the laws of the land and consolidating political dialogue,” said Keita.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Feb 17 2003 (IPS)

Each day, an army of unemployed youth combs the streets of Lome to pick up the garbage littering Togo’s capital.

”We’re trying to clean up the environment and make a living at the same time,” says Ben Akakpo, one of the garbage collectors. Akakpo and his colleagues say they are cleaning up the city from the 800 metric tonnes of household trash, dumped by Lome’s 900,000 inhabitants into the street each day. Lome’s mayor has failed to collect the garbage. The private company, which retains the contract for garbage hauling has folded, due to lack of money. ”Lome, which used to be known as ‘Lome la Belle’ is now known as ‘Lome la Poubelle’ (Lome the garbage can),” quips Akakpo, who combs the capital, along with his colleagues, daily for the trash. With only the most rudimentary of equipment, such as carts, shovels, machetes, and wheelbarrows, these young people, employed by various organisations, clean up the city. In spite of their limited resources, the garbage collectors try to do a first-class job. ”They are really effective,” says Afi Mensah, a Lome trader, who is impressed by their work. Thibault Adjibodin, a journalist, says the rubbish cleaners ”are such decent folks that you can see that they’re not particularly well off”.

”I keep wondering how much they’re paid,” he says. The youths appear to have no complaints about their salaries. ”I live well right now on what I’m earning,” says Akakpo. Another colleague, Kodjo Zonvide, also says he makes ends meet, and that he has no complaint. Salaries vary according to employer. The Clean Africa Service, for example, pays between 13,000 CFA (around 21.6 U.S. dollars) and 20,000 CFA (about 33.3 U.S. dollars) a month. And the Youth Association for Maintaining and Protecting the Environment offers between 15,000 CFA (around 25 U.S. dollars) and 25,000 CFA (about 41.6 US dollars) a month. ”In addition to paying their salaries, we’ve also rented them rooms,” says Kodgo Agboka, a Clean Africa Service official. ”We have plenty of problems to overcome,” says Kodgo Agboka. ”We don’t have enough carts. I’ve had the same one for the past two years. In addition, lots of households which have signed up fail to pay.” The youth go from house to house to collect the garbage. After a household has signed up, they pay a monthly fee of between 500 CFA (83 cents) and 1,000 CFA (about 1.6 U.S. dollars) to the firm. ”We go to each house twice a week,” says Mawuto Gnawui, who works with Neighbourhood Activist Youth, an organisation involved in garbage collection. The groups often have problems meeting all the needs of their employees, especially their hygiene needs. ”The collectors are supposed to be equipped with uniforms, shoes, caps, gloves, and facemasks, and have all the necessary vaccines, but we’re not able to provide all these items because we don’t have the money,” explains Kodgo Agboka. ”In Lome right now, there are more than a hundred groups going door-to-door,” explains Belamissa Atikpo of the Youth Association for Maintaining and Protecting the Environment. But he regrets that some Lome residents have failed to accord the collectors the respect they deserve. ”These are not a bunch of beggars going door-to-door,” Atikpo says. ”On our team, we have five people with master degrees, three in economy and two in business administration; I have studied physics and chemistry and there are others with fairly high educational levels.” Togo is a poor West African country, half of whose population of about five million live below the poverty line.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Togo, Jan 15 2003 (IPS)

Ageing motorcycle taxis, which cover 80 percent of transport needs of Togo, Benin and Niger, produce air pollution, causing health and environmental problems, particularly in the cities.

In the 1970s and 1980s motorcycle taxis were few and far between and existed only in rural areas. But, the idea took off in the 1990s and today, they are everywhere, thanks to the economic problems experienced by Togo, Benin and Niger in the 1980s and 1990s.

Known as the ‘’zemidjan” in Benin, ‘’oleyia” in Togo and ‘’kabu kabu” in Niger, the motorcycle taxi industry appeared in Togo between 1992 and 1993, spurred by a socio-political crisis, which included a nine-month general strike. The motorcycle taxi concept quickly spread to Lome, the capital of Togo, and then on to the country’s other cities.

Niger already had motorcycle taxis in the 1980s. It was only through this mode of transportation that one could cross the border separating Niger and Nigeria, which was closed, between 1984 and 1986. Later, the motorcycle taxi became a key element in the opening up of a number of cities in Niger.

In Benin, a few motorcycle taxis could be seen on the streets during the 1970s when many young Beninoirs returned from neighbouring Nigeria where they had travelled to seek greener pastures.

The sector expanded in the 1980s during a tumultuous social and economic crisis under the former Marxist-Leninist regime.

Since then, the number of motorcycle taxis in the three countries has continued to grow. In 2000, there were 83,000 of them on the streets of Benin, 40,000 in Togo, and 2,350 in Niger.

The 2002 preliminary statistics show about 160,000 in Benin, including 72,000 in Cotonou, the economic capital of Benin, plus 45,000 in Togo and 2,500 in Niger.

The motorcycle exhaust, emitting air pollution all day long, creates health risks for drivers, passengers, and the residents of the streets they ply. The pollution contributes to respiratory diseases and other ailments.

‘’Respiratory infections, cardiovascular diseases, cancer, eye ailments and irritability are the main results,” says a provisional report, entitled ‘’Study on the Impact of Two-Wheeled Vehicle, Urban Transportation Modes and Their Development Perspectives in WAEMU-Member Countries”.

WAEMU, the West African Economic and Monetary Union, comprises the eight West African countries that use the CFA as their common currency: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo.

The study, commissioned by the West African Development Bank, was conducted by the Togolese Society for Development Research in Africa. It reveals that most motorcycle taxis are second-hand machines imported from Japan or Europe, and that they emit a lot of pollution because of the use of adulterated gasoline, which lacks sufficient lubricant for their motors.

‘’In Cotonou, about 83 tonnes of carbon dioxide are emitted daily, 59 percent of which is generated by two-wheeled vehicles, and 36 tonnes of carbonic acid, 90 percent of which comes from the two-wheelers,” the report says.

Bonaventure Ahitcheme, the secretary general of the National Association for the Promotion of the Zemidjan in Benin, quoting Ayi Ajavon, a Beninoir consultant, says ‘’the city of Cotonou is the most polluted in the west African sub-region. Almost the whole day, especially during rush hours, downtown is enveloped in a cloud of smoke”.

In Togo, around four in 10 drivers acknowledge the enormous amount of exhaust created by their motorcycles, and 35 percent admit to how noisy their machines are.

‘’Although zemidjans did a lot of good things for Togo when we went through hard times, they are hazardous to the environment,” says Samuel Azomedon, the secretary general of the National Association of Togolese Motorcyclists.

‘’The air pollution, created by the motorcycle taxis, heats up the cities, and the polluted air contributes to the destruction of the ozone layer,” he says. ‘’And, the polluted air shortens life expectancy.”

The Minister of Civil Service and Labour, Seydou Moussa Kasseye, recognising the importance of the motorcycle taxi as a means of transportation in Benin, says ‘’we cannot ignore the air pollution.”

A recent study by the Togolese Society for Development Research in Africa says motorcycle taxis also create a danger on the highways. In 2000, they were involved in 4,735 accidents in Benin and 4,103 in Togo, and 2,813 in Niger, many of them fatal.

Boni Yayi, president of the West African Development Bank, says motorcycle taxis have created 134,000 jobs in Benin and 61,000 in Togo. Many motorcycle taxi drivers are unemployed university graduates.

‘’In 2000, motorcycle taxis contributed 2.5 billion CFA (about 3.8 million U.S. dollars) in revenue for Benin, 700 million CFA (1.076 million U.S. dollars) for Togo and 600 million CFA (923,076 U.S. dollars) for Niger, ” says Yayi.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Nov 18 2002 (IPS)

Ports in Ghana, Togo and Benin have enjoyed a sharp increase in traffic as a result of the army rebellion in Cote d’Ivoire.

Ever since the Sep 19 mutiny closed traffic in Cote d’Ivoire’s major port, Abidjan, the ports of Tema, in Ghana, Lome, in Togo, and Cotonou, in Benin have been scrambling to capture the business that Abidjan has turned away. Like Abidjan, the three ports serve landlocked Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.

Abidjan, the economic capital of Cote D’Ivoire, has traditionally been the transport hub of the sub-region.

Businesspersons in the sub-region are worried that the Ivorian crisis would affect the economies of the inland countries. ”We’re having trouble getting supplies,” complains Moussa Sidi Mohamed, an importer from Niger.

Imports and exports will be hard hit by Abidjan’s port closure, he says. It could result in shortages of imported products such as sugar, cement, and fuel in the inland states.

”We’ve counted about 238 Malian trucks stuck at the port in Abidjan or on Ivorian roads,” laments the president of the Malian Loaders Council, Amadou Djigue. Most of Mali’s freight is shipped through the port of Abidjan.

Annually, 600,000 metric tonnes of freight from Burkina Faso are shipped through Abidjan.

”In total, 80 percent of our major exports, which are mostly agricultural products, are shipped through the port of Abidjan,” notes Lansana Diawara, the vice-president of the Burkina Faso Chamber of Commerce, Industry, and Artisanry. But, as the Minister of Commerce, Benoit Ouattara, emphasises, ”one of Burkina Faso’s major goals is to reduce dependence, on Abidjan, to a minimum”.

Some freight, waiting clearance in Abidjan before the Ivorian crisis erupted, was transferred to Tema or Lome. Ships destined for Abidjan with rice for Mali and Niger were forced to unload 13 tonnes in Tema.

Another boat, the MV Blanden Delmas, also unloaded 2.5 tonnes of rice destined for Burkina Faso at Tema, while two others unloaded 10.5 tonnes for Mali and five tonnes for Niger.

Cletus Kuzagbe, of the Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority (GPHA), says ”arrangements are underway for Takoradi (another Ghanaian port) to bail out Tema if necessary”.

Other West African countries also have seized the opportunity to launch themselves into the region’s shipping market. ”We want to assist businesses in the sub-region,” says Agathe Mensah, marketing and communications director of the port of Lome.

”We want to keep those countries open to the rest of the world, and reduce the effects of the Ivorian crisis on them,” says Ferdinand Assogba, director general of the port of Cotonou.

Port officials in Lome say the number of ships arriving each day is ”constantly increasing”.

”There is a huge increase in activity here. We don’t yet have the exact figures, but it’s clear that the port of Lome has never been so busy,” says Mensah, jubilantly.

The managers of the sub-regional ports are offering all sorts of promotions to attract traffic: reductions in tariffs, smooth road connections, and guarantees of warehouse security. Meetings between port officials and regional entrepreneurs are increasing and there has been a boom in publicity campaigns.

”We want to ease paperwork for entrepreneurs by creating a one-stop office to process shipments before May,” says Mensah.

Awa Beleyi, the director of Lome Port, says ”the entire port community of Lome, with the support of political leaders, is working tirelessly to resolve customer service issues”.

He announced a 30-to-50-percent reduction in handling charges to Burkinabe businesses. And, the Society of Fibres and Textiles (SOFITEX), Burkina Faso’s cotton marketing body, has declared that this year’s cotton production, estimated 410,000 tonnes, will be shipped through Togo.

Mali also has decided to ship its cotton harvest through Lome this year. Port of Lome offices in Bamako, the capital of Mali, and in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, have reportedly received a lot of new inquiries.

”Before the conflict in Cote dIvoire, entrepreneurs in Mali never used Lome for shipping. But now, they have more than 100 trucks there waiting to be unloaded,” says Mensah.

Lome’s port – measuring 14 metres deep – is ”the deepest on the coast between Dakar (Senegal) and Luanda (Angola)”, according to a Togolese official.

”At this rate of losing business, the port of Abidjan will have to work harder to regain its former glory,” notes Adama Coulibaly, an Ivorian shipper.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Nov 18 2002 (IPS)

Ports in Ghana, Togo and Benin have enjoyed a sharp increase in traffic as a result of the army rebellion in Cote d’Ivoire.

Ever since the Sep 19 mutiny closed traffic in Cote d’Ivoire’s major port, Abidjan, the ports of Tema, in Ghana, Lome, in Togo, and Cotonou, in Benin have been scrambling to capture the business that Abidjan has turned away. Like Abidjan, the three ports serve landlocked Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.

Abidjan, the economic capital of Cote D’Ivoire, has traditionally been the transport hub of the sub-region.

Businesspersons in the sub-region are worried that the Ivorian crisis would affect the economies of the inland countries. “We’re having trouble getting supplies,” complains Moussa Sidi Mohamed, an importer from Niger.

Imports and exports will be hard hit by Abidjan’s port closure, he says. It could result in shortages of imported products such as sugar, cement, and fuel in the inland states.

“We’ve counted about 238 Malian trucks stuck at the port in Abidjan or on Ivorian roads,” laments the president of the Malian Loaders Council, Amadou Djigue. Most of Mali’s freight is shipped through the port of Abidjan.

Annually, 600,000 metric tonnes of freight from Burkina Faso are shipped through Abidjan.

“In total, 80 percent of our major exports, which are mostly agricultural products, are shipped through the port of Abidjan,” notes Lansana Diawara, the vice-president of the Burkina Faso Chamber of Commerce, Industry, and Artisanry. But, as the Minister of Commerce, Benoit Ouattara, emphasises, “one of Burkina Faso’s major goals is to reduce dependence, on Abidjan, to a minimum”.

Some freight, waiting clearance in Abidjan before the Ivorian crisis erupted, was transferred to Tema or Lome. Ships destined for Abidjan with rice for Mali and Niger were forced to unload 13 tonnes in Tema.

Another boat, the MV Blanden Delmas, also unloaded 2.5 tonnes of rice destined for Burkina Faso at Tema, while two others unloaded 10.5 tonnes for Mali and five tonnes for Niger.

Cletus Kuzagbe, of the Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority (GPHA), says “arrangements are underway for Takoradi (another Ghanaian port) to bail out Tema if necessary”.

Other West African countries also have seized the opportunity to launch themselves into the region’s shipping market. “We want to assist businesses in the sub-region,” says Agathe Mensah, marketing and communications director of the port of Lome.

“We want to keep those countries open to the rest of the world, and reduce the effects of the Ivorian crisis on them,” says Ferdinand Assogba, director general of the port of Cotonou.

Port officials in Lome say the number of ships arriving each day is “constantly increasing”.

“There is a huge increase in activity here. We don’t yet have the exact figures, but it’s clear that the port of Lome has never been so busy,” says Mensah, jubilantly.

The managers of the sub-regional ports are offering all sorts of promotions to attract traffic: reductions in tariffs, smooth road connections, and guarantees of warehouse security. Meetings between port officials and regional entrepreneurs are increasing and there has been a boom in publicity campaigns.

“We want to ease paperwork for entrepreneurs by creating a one-stop office to process shipments before May,” says Mensah.

Awa Beleyi, the director of Lome Port, says “the entire port community of Lome, with the support of political leaders, is working tirelessly to resolve customer service issues”.

He announced a 30-to-50-percent reduction in handling charges to Burkinabe businesses. And, the Society of Fibres and Textiles (SOFITEX), Burkina Faso’s cotton marketing body, has declared that this year’s cotton production, estimated 410,000 tonnes, will be shipped through Togo.

Mali also has decided to ship its cotton harvest through Lome this year. Port of Lome offices in Bamako, the capital of Mali, and in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, have reportedly received a lot of new inquiries.

“Before the conflict in Cote dIvoire, entrepreneurs in Mali never used Lome for shipping. But now, they have more than 100 trucks there waiting to be unloaded,” says Mensah.

Lome’s port — measuring 14 metres deep — is “the deepest on the coast between Dakar (Senegal) and Luanda (Angola)”, according to a Togolese official.

“At this rate of losing business, the port of Abidjan will have to work harder to regain its former glory,” notes Adama Coulibaly, an Ivorian shipper.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Nov 5 2002 (IPS)

Representatives of army mutineers in Cote d’Ivoire will this week hold direct talks with the government in Lome, the Togolese capital, to discuss their political demands.

But, analysts fear that prolonged negotiations may be impossible since the rebels, who control northern half of the country, are threatening to resume fighting if their demands are not met.

‘’If our political demands are not met, we will resume fighting,” said Guillaume Soro, secretary general of the Patriotic Movement of Cote d’Ivoire, the rebels’ political wing.

Mediators reported ‘’progress” after three days of initial discussions last week, even though the two camps had stuck to their guns. The rebels had demanded the resignation of President Laurent Gbagbo and the holding of fresh elections, while the government insisted that the mutineers lay down their arms before any concrete talks could take place.

For the rebels, the ‘’real talks” will begin this week. During the initial talks in Lome last week, both sides had pledged to work for peace in Cote d’Ivoire, which has been rocked by armed conflict since Sep 19.

The negotiations are taking place under the aegis of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), coordinated by Togolese President Gnassingbe Eyadema. ECOWAS has nominated Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Mali and Niger as contact groups to help Eyadema restore peace to Cote d’Ivoire.

By the end of the initial talks in Lome, which ended Friday, both the government and the rebels had committed themselves to setting free their prisoners of war. They also signed a statement to send humanitarian aid into areas controlled by the rebels.

‘’The government has committed itself to presenting to the National Assembly, an amnesty bill for the freeing of imprisoned soldiers and the halting of legal proceedings against those indicted of attacking state security,” said a statement issued by both sides. It also called for the return of exiled soldiers and their reintegration into the army.

The two sides also ordered their subordinates to refrain from acts of belligerence, such as ‘’extrajudicial executions, the recruitment and use of mercenaries, and the enrolment of children into the army”.

‘’We’ve addressed the core issues, but we’re not finished,” said Laurent Dona Fologo, the head of the government delegation. ‘’We still have to get details from these young men about their withdrawal from occupied zones. We have to get a firm commitment from them to lay down their arms.”

‘’With good will on all sides, I see no reason why this shouldn’t mark the beginning of a return to peace,” said Mohammed Ibn Chambas, the secretary general of ECOWAS, optimistically.

Eyadema says war is the last thing Ivorians need. ‘’The West African sub-region needs peace and stability,” he said. ‘’Weapons never solve problems. You get peace through negotiations.”

‘’We’re here to show our desire for peace and to do whatever is necessary to put Cote d’Ivoire resolutely on the path to democracy, freedom, equality and hospitality,” emphasised Soro.

‘’I will not return to Abidjan (the commercial capital of Cote d’Ivoire) without a peace deal,” said Fologo, the head of the government delegation.

Efforts have been made for the two delegations to rub shoulders constantly, even outside of the negotiating room. They are being lodged in the same hotel in central Lome, separated only by three floors. They ride in the same elevators. During last week’s negotiations, they even lunched together.

Both delegations’ leaders returned Saturday to Cote d’Ivoire to inform their followers of the initial negotiation results.

‘’We’re cautiously optimistic, we need to wait and see how things turn out,” said Chambas.

Monseigneur Philippe Fanoko Kpodzro, the Archbishop of Lome, noted that ‘’among armed groups, peace is always tenuous, only divine peace is certain’ ‘.

He expressed his desire for peace in Cote d’Ivoire, during a mass he celebrated only hours before the kick-off of the initial negotiations.

A previous meeting in Accra, Ghana, which took place on Sep 29, set up the contact group, while the other one held in Abidjan recently, designated President Eyadema as the coordinator of the talks.

The Sep 19 mutiny has unleashed a wave of xenophobia in Cote d’Ivoire, directed mainly against people from neighbouring Burkina Faso.

Cote d’Ivoire’s 16 million people include 2.2 million Burkinabe, 800,000 Malians and 230,000 Guineans, according to government statistics.

The anti-immigrant feelings in Cote d’Ivoire, once a bastion of stability in West Africa, began after the economic boom, which attracted millions of workers from poorer neighbours.

Excerpt:

By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Nov 5 2002 (IPS)

Representatives of army mutineers in Cote d’Ivoire will this week hold direct talks with the government in Lome, the Togolese capital, to discuss their political demands.

But, analysts fear that prolonged negotiations may be impossible since the rebels, who control northern half of the country, are threatening to resume fighting if their demands are not met.

‘’If our political demands are not met, we will resume fighting,” said Guillaume Soro, secretary general of the Patriotic Movement of Cote d’Ivoire, the rebels’ political wing.

Mediators reported ‘’progress” after three days of initial discussions last week, even though the two camps had stuck to their guns. The rebels had demanded the resignation of President Laurent Gbagbo and the holding of fresh elections, while the government insisted that the mutineers lay down their arms before any concrete talks could take place.

For the rebels, the ‘’real talks” will begin this week. During the initial talks in Lome last week, both sides had pledged to work for peace in Cote d’Ivoire, which has been rocked by armed conflict since Sep 19.

The negotiations are taking place under the aegis of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), coordinated by Togolese President Gnassingbe Eyadema. ECOWAS has nominated Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Mali and Niger as contact groups to help Eyadema restore peace to Cote d’Ivoire.

By the end of the initial talks in Lome, which ended Friday, both the government and the rebels had committed themselves to setting free their prisoners of war. They also signed a statement to send humanitarian aid into areas controlled by the rebels.

‘’The government has committed itself to presenting to the National Assembly, an amnesty bill for the freeing of imprisoned soldiers and the halting of legal proceedings against those indicted of attacking state security,” said a statement issued by both sides. It also called for the return of exiled soldiers and their reintegration into the army.

The two sides also ordered their subordinates to refrain from acts of belligerence, such as ‘’extrajudicial executions, the recruitment and use of mercenaries, and the enrolment of children into the army”.

‘’We’ve addressed the core issues, but we’re not finished,” said Laurent Dona Fologo, the head of the government delegation. ‘’We still have to get details from these young men about their withdrawal from occupied zones. We have to get a firm commitment from them to lay down their arms.”

‘’With good will on all sides, I see no reason why this shouldn’t mark the beginning of a return to peace,” said Mohammed Ibn Chambas, the secretary general of ECOWAS, optimistically.

Eyadema says war is the last thing Ivorians need. ‘’The West African sub-region needs peace and stability,” he said. ‘’Weapons never solve problems. You get peace through negotiations.”

‘’We’re here to show our desire for peace and to do whatever is necessary to put Cote d’Ivoire resolutely on the path to democracy, freedom, equality and hospitality,” emphasised Soro.

‘’I will not return to Abidjan (the commercial capital of Cote d’Ivoire) without a peace deal,” said Fologo, the head of the government delegation.

Efforts have been made for the two delegations to rub shoulders constantly, even outside of the negotiating room. They are being lodged in the same hotel in central Lome, separated only by three floors. They ride in the same elevators. During last week’s negotiations, they even lunched together.

Both delegations’ leaders returned Saturday to Cote d’Ivoire to inform their followers of the initial negotiation results.

‘’We’re cautiously optimistic, we need to wait and see how things turn out,” said Chambas.

Monseigneur Philippe Fanoko Kpodzro, the Archbishop of Lome, noted that ‘’among armed groups, peace is always tenuous, only divine peace is certain’ ‘.

He expressed his desire for peace in Cote d’Ivoire, during a mass he celebrated only hours before the kick-off of the initial negotiations.

A previous meeting in Accra, Ghana, which took place on Sep 29, set up the contact group, while the other one held in Abidjan recently, designated President Eyadema as the coordinator of the talks.

The Sep 19 mutiny has unleashed a wave of xenophobia in Cote d’Ivoire, directed mainly against people from neighbouring Burkina Faso.

Cote d’Ivoire’s 16 million people include 2.2 million Burkinabe, 800,000 Malians and 230,000 Guineans, according to government statistics.

The anti-immigrant feelings in Cote d’Ivoire, once a bastion of stability in West Africa, began after the economic boom, which attracted millions of workers from poorer neighbours.

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By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Sep 10 2002 (IPS)

Female condom, which is still new in much of Africa, offers the best protection against AIDS and allows women to negotiate safe sex, says a campaigner.

The campaigner, Sandrine Agbokpe, who is a top model and ‘Miss Togo 2001′, is urging Togolese women ‘’to take charge of their body and use the female condom, femidon”.

‘’Togo has one of the highest HIV-infection rates in West Africa,” says Dr. Lawson Teyi, an epidemiologist with the state-run National Programme Against AIDS (NPAA).

The number of people living with AIDS in Togo, with a population of about five million, had risen from six in 1987 to 13,665 in 2001, according to the NPAA.

A UNAIDS report shows that 20 to 30 percent of the people living with HIV in Togo are students.

Dr. Teyi says 81.5 percent of those who die of AIDS in Togo every year are breadwinners, aged 19-49.

‘’If this trend continues, some regions in Togo will cease to exist in a few years’ time,” Agbokpe warns.

The female condom, which is distributed by the Population Service International, a non-governmental organisation (NGO), costs 500 CFA (around 75 U.S. cents) a packet.

“With this condom, it’s the woman who’ll make the decision,” says Chantal Toublou, a secretary in Lome. “It’s really effective and very comfortable”.

Her colleague, Solime Tchalla, however, thinks that the female condom is too expensive. “The price of femidon should be adjusted downwards, bringing it to the same level as male condoms,” she says. Male condom costs 75 CFA (around 11 U.S. cents) per packet of four.

Florence Blagodji, a teacher in Lome, says the female condom will empower women to negotiate safe sex. “Men often refuse to use condoms and thus increase our risks of infection,” she says.

Women, especially those living in rural areas, lack access to written information on HIV/AIDS.

“We have to be able to say yes or no, according to our wishes,” says Agbokpe.

“We must not allow ourselves to be messed about, because we’re the first victims; AIDS takes a heavy toll, and as soon as we have the virus, our children too are at risk if we get pregnant,” says Afi Bokovi, a student at the University of Lome.

With support from the donors, Agbokpe has developed a plan for a health centre for people living with HIV. Approval for the project has yet to be finalised.

Agbokpe, 23, is a student of business administration in Accra, Ghana and is interested in communication and information technology.

Unhappy with the growing stigmatisation of people living with the disease, Agbokpe says “it’s the role of each of us to provide some affection instead of ostracising those living with HIV/AIDS”.

“People living with HIV are less dangerous than those, around us, whose HIV status is not known, and who continue to pass the virus to others,” Agbokpe says.

“Sandrine (Agbokpe) sends out a strong message. After she came to our school, we continued to ponder about our ignorance about HIV/AIDS and safe sex,” says Celia Nicodem, a secondary school student in Lome.

Agbokpe’s school trips offer an opportunity for students to discuss the disease — which was once regarded as a taboo in Togo — openly. “I very much liked the discussion we had with Sandrine, who responded to all our concerns,” says Koffivi Kokroko, a student in Lome.

“The statistics on the disease that Agbokpe gave us really scared me,” Kokroko says. ‘’According to Agbokpe, one African youth is infected every 15 seconds with the AIDS virus.”

Sub-Saharan Africa is by far the worst affected region in the world. ‘’The estimated 3.4 million new HIV infections in sub-Saharan Africa in 2001 mean that 28.1 million Africans now live with the virus,” according to the UNAIDS.

The UN AIDS agency says 2.3 million Africans died of AIDS in 2001.

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By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Togo, Sep 4 2002 (IPS)

Considered risky and unprofitable, Africa’s farming community has often been denied access to credit and insurance. But now some financial institutions are offering new hopes to farmers in West Africa.

Without loans, farmers cannot purchase new machinery or fertiliser. As a result, their yields often suffer and their dreams to modernise and expand their operations often fail.

Jean Tsevi, a farmer from Agou Tomegbe, 155 kilometres northeast of the capital Lome, says “I did everything I could to get a loan to buy fertiliser, but the banks refused”.

“The banks demand collateral and identity papers,” says Dovene Amouzou, a farmer from Kpele Dafo, a town 160 kilometres northeast of Lome.

She says women often suffer more when seeking a bank loan. “Most women don’t even have a birth certificate (a prerequisite) to get an identity card,” she says.

“One of my female neighbours, who has no identity papers, was thrown out of a co-operative society which offers loans to farmers,” claims Amouzou.

Traditional banking and financial institutions occasionally offer loans and when they do, they demand more than just the farmer’s property as security.

Small farmers are the most affected, as they often do not have a house or a piece of land to put up as collateral.

“Any farmer can get credit if he puts up the security,” says a banker in Cotonou, Benin, who requested anonymity. According to him, “small farmers are always broke because they spend their money on family problems, and on assets just to acquire status in society”.

In Benin, the National Society to Promote Agriculture — a state-run body — gets 40 billion CFA (around 61 million U.S. dollars) worth of credit from commercial banks each year. This helps small farmers purchase inputs for growing cash crop.

Some 100 participants at last month’s workshop, organised by the Lome-based African Rural and Agricultural Credit Association in Lome, suggested strategies to support the agricultural sector, which is receiving less investment in spite of its potential for diversified growth.

Gedeon Muriuki, president of the association, said he hoped the workshop — titled ‘The Role of Commercial Banks in Rural Areas’ — would be a “crucial step in solving the problems between commercial banks and small lending institutions in order to meet the farmers’ borrowing needs”.

His colleague, Rasmane Ouedraogo, who is the secretary general of the association, said in spite of the manpower involved in farming and their contribution to the region’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), farmers still receive little attention from lending institutions.

‘’Agriculture plays a dominant role: accounting for between 30 and 35 percent of the region’s GDP; employing 65 to 85 of the region’s workforce; as well as for 60 to 80 percent of its export revenues,” Ouedraogo explains.

Participants at the Lome workshop came from Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo. The eight countries are members of both the West African Economic and Monetary Union, and of the West African Development Bank.

The participants urged banks to expand their services to the rural areas.

‘’If commercial banks want to effectively evaluate agricultural programmes and financing requirements, they must improve their ability to do so,” says Pierre Claver Damiba, former president of the West African Development Bank.

“We’ve found that sometimes resources and credit to finance agriculture, especially for the production of food, can be quite expensive; perhaps we should find ways to lower the interest rates,” Damiba adds.

Participants bemoaned the lack of basic infrastructure in rural areas, such as roads, telecommunications, energy and water, which they say discourage banks from establishing branches there.

“We discussed the role the state should play, and we think that it can have important functions on various levels. On the one hand, it can help develop strategies, and on the other, it should act as a watchdog for the rural people,” Damiba explains.

“Financing for rural enterprises has remained marginal,” says Togolese Prime Minister Koffi Sama, who regrets that banks only finance trade, at the expense of agriculture.

“We can no longer continue to make development plans for our continent if a large proportion of our people is excluded from current financing schemes,” says Ouedraogo. Fighting poverty, he says, requires the participation of all of the continent’s financial institutions.

“Developing our economies in a sustainable way is impossible if the financing for rural enterprise is systematically marginalised,” adds Yayi.

The African Rural and Agricultural Credit Association will hold its meeting in Abuja, Nigeria in November. The body is an association of banks and financial institutions – directly or indirectly – involved in rural development.

Established in 1977, the body seeks to improve the rural financial environment in Africa through promoting appropriate policy frameworks and assisting its members to increase their presence in rural areas.

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By Noël Kokou Tadégnon
LOME, Jul 24 2002 (IPS)

Urgent action is needed to save West Africa’s cotton industry, on which some 10 million people depend, from collapsing, stakeholders and experts have said.

If the industry collapses, the effects will be felt across much of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) whose members Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo grow the cash crop. The eight countries û whose economies depend on cotton — use a common currency, the CFA.

Last month cotton experts and WAEMU agriculture ministers met in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, to seek a solution to the crisis.

Cotton provides ‘’income and employment for both rural and city dwellers, ” explains Felix Dansou, WAEMU official in-charge of rural development.

In 1970, production reached 350,000 metric tonnes, before jumping to 2.3 million metric tonnes in 1998.

Unfortunately, the price of cotton, on the world market, has hit its lowest level ever. In three years, a kilogramme of cotton fibre dropped from 71 U.S. cents to 38 cents, creating an unprecedented crisis.

Overproduction and subsidies in the United States, Australia, China and India û all major producers — have partly been blamed for the fall of cotton price on the international market.

Francois Traore, president of the National Union of Cotton Producers of Burkina Faso, says ‘’highly mechanised farming in America seriously threatens small-scale cotton production in Africa”.

‘’Those countries which subsidise their producers should stop lecturing us about fighting poverty,” he says.

‘’The United States should stop subsidising their cotton producers or, financially, compensating them. If they don’t want to stop, it will also, in our view, be unfair for international financial institutions to insist that we privatise our agricultural industries,” notes Sebastian Dano Djedje, the Ivorian Minister of Agriculture.

Djedje is the president of the Committee for Exportable Agricultural Products of the Conference of West and Central African Agriculture Ministers. The committee has adopted a memorandum for a common strategy against the competitive edge of western producers.

WAEMU processes only five percent of the cotton it produces, and exports the remainder as raw material. This makes cotton-producing West African nations even more vulnerable.

In Lome, the capital of Togo, a committee has been formed to improve the level of awareness among government bodies. It is hoped that they will request their partners (donors) to forge economic policy agreements for the region.

‘’This would allow them (the donors) to include some assistance for addressing the problems affecting cotton industry in their aid strategies,” says Bernard Adikpeto, a consultant in Lome.

‘’A regional strategy to promote and develop the cotton industry is necessary because it occupies an important place in the economy of these countries,” emphasises Ibrahim Macoudou Fall, the president of the Organisation of Cotton and Textile Industries of WAEMU Countries. ‘’The most practical thing to grow in this region is cotton.”

In Abidjan, the WAEMU agriculture ministers adopted a common position during negotiations, on cotton, with the World Trade Organisation (WTO). They developed strategies to include bilateral negotiations with countries that subsidise cotton, as well as ‘’the free trade of cotton and unprocessed materials” between WAEMU countries.

The consequences of the cotton crisis are obvious in the slowdown of economic growth and the increasing poverty in WAEMU zone.

‘’When you’re set on eradicating poverty, you need to organise talks like this in order to take the lay of the land and establish immediate measures to end the crisis,” says Boni Yayi, president of the West African Development Bank.

In spite of the bank’s 50 billion CFA (76.9 million U.S. dollars) financing of ginning mills and other facilities where cottonseed and cotton fibre can be processed, WAEMU still does not have a concrete policy on cotton processing.

WAEMU countries constitute the world’s third largest exporter of cotton, surpassed only by the United States and Uzbekistan. The 800,000 metric tonnes they export is the equivalent of Europe’s entire annual use of the fibre. They occupy an important place in the international cotton trade.

At the same time, the entire CFA zone, which produces 4.4 percent of the world’s cotton, constitutes the sixth largest global producer. Around 2.2 million hectares in the zone are devoted to cotton growing. Of the ten CFA countries, which produce cotton, 73 percent is grown in Mali, Benin, Burkina Faso and Cote d’Ivoire.

‘’With a weak five percent processing rate, WAEMU countries depend too much on the world market, which is a serious handicap they must eventually overcome,” says Yayi.

Some hard-liners are already pushing for ‘’tariff” to protect WAEMU’s textile industry.

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