On Jul. 14 several hundred opposition protestors gathered in northern town of Gondar to and called on the government to stop exploiting the antiterrorism law and release those whom the law has been used to imprison. Credit: William Lloyd-George/IPS

By William Lloyd-George
GONDAR, Ethiopia, Jul 19 2013 (IPS)

Since the violence that ensued after the ruling party won Ethiopia’s 2005 elections, this East African nation has seen little in the way of political dissent. That is, until the last few months.

Since June, the country has witnessed protests in three of its major cities. Despite the significance of these protests, observers disagree over how much they signal a rebirth for the country’s opposition movement and the government’s tolerance of it.

“Until the recent protests, most had lost faith in the democratisation process and opposition parties,” Hallelujah Lulie, a political analyst from the Ethiopia-based Institute for Security Studies told IPS.

When the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front won another term of office in 2005, thousands of protestors took to the streets in protest, as the party has been in power since 1991.

The crackdown led to the arrest of several opposition party politicians, with many others being forced to flee the country and give up politics.“We need legislative change in order for proper liberalisation where opposition groups are free to operate without arrests and other harassment.” -- Hallelujah Lulie, political analyst

“Recent opposition activities, however, show that people are beginning to recognise the opposition again, which could be a big boost for the domestic opposition parties,” said Hallelujah.

On Jun. 2 a new opposition group, the Blue Party, organised mass protests in the country’s capital, Addis Ababa. Thousands marched down one of the city’s main avenues, calling for the release of political prisoners and journalists and the reform of government policies.

The protest was given permission, and no arrests were made during, before, or after the demonstration, leading some to believe that the government had become more tolerant towards opposition activities.

“While there have been no arrests so far, we have credible information that the government is plotting to break up our movement and label us as terrorists. We have seen no change in the government or a willingness to engage in dialogue with us,” Yilkal Getnet, chairman of the Blue Party, told IPS.

Getachew Reda, spokesman for the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s office, told IPS that opposition parties have always been allowed to protest peacefully, but they would not negotiate with the protestors, as there are proper legal channels to address issues that the opposition politicians had not exhausted.

“Despite a lack of response from the government, we believe that the opposition movement will continue to gain momentum and are deeply encouraged by the (recent) protests,” said Yilkal.

On Jul. 14, the major opposition party, the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), organised protests in two major cities, Gondar and Dessie, in north and north-central Ethiopia, respectively. It was part of a campaign ‘One Million Voices for Freedom’, which sought to get one million signatures on a petition with demands similar to those of the Blue Party.

In Gondar, protestors marched through the capital and called on the government to stop exploiting the anti-terrorism law and release those whom the law has been used to imprison, including political prisoners and journalists.  At the march’s peak, hundreds could be seen, at its lowest, dozens.

“Numbers do not matter right now, it is just very symbolic that the recent protests took place out of Addis, as most the activism is in Addis where it is easier to mobilise supporters,” said Hallelujah. “It shows that the opposition movement could be on the path to regaining popular recognition and trust again.”

Hallelujah believes the protests could be a sign that the opposition is emerging again, he argued that they still face huge challenges that could hinder their chances of success. He said that it is hard for opposition parties to increase their membership freely, to raise funds and even to rent a hall for party meetings.

“They are still operating in a very tight and unfriendly environment,” said Hallelujah. “We need legislative change in order for proper liberalisation where opposition groups are free to operate without arrests and other harassment.”

In the run-up to the protests in Gondar, UDJ party leaders say they faced extreme harassment by the regional state authorities. According to the UDJ, on Jul. 13 local police surrounded the office and would not let their members out all day. Only at the last minute an unofficial deal was reached with the local commander to hold the protest, or so claim party members. Also, over 10 members of their group were arrested for distributing leaflets to the general public in the days leading up to the protest.

Peering through rusty metal bars at Gondar’s Police Station 3, a simple mud hut structure, Amedemakryam Ezra, a UDJ party member, said he was arrested two weeks ago for distributing leaflets.

“They beat my legs so bad, I could not even walk for a week,” Amedemakryam told IPS from the prison. “We have not been allowed out of this cell since. It’s horrible.”

Before he could finish his sentence, another party member who was also arrested for distributing leaflets appeared. Maru Ashagere, a hairdresser, told IPS that the local authorities went to his parents’ chicken farm and said they would poison all the chickens as punishment for their son’s political activities.

“This kind of harassment makes it very difficult for us to operate but we will struggle through none the less to achieve our goals,” Asrat Tassie, Secretary-General of UDJ, told IPS at the police station.  “Despite all this, we were able to go on with our protest and mobilise the people.”

Not only were party members harassed, but some Gondar residents told IPS they were too scared to join the protests due to threats made throughout the city.

While some might have not have joined out of fear, it appears that many around Gondar did not join because of a lack of faith in the UDJ and the opposition movement. Several residents told IPS that they did not trust the UDJ or believe that it could find real solutions.

“If they can show us real policies to replace the ruling parties, then maybe more for us would join,” said Tesfaye, 34, a local shopkeeper. “They just shout against the government but don’t offer a decent alternative, or solutions to the problems. That is not helpful to anyone.”

(*This story, which moved on Jul. 18, 2013, made reference to a violent quashing of protests after Ethiopia’s 2005 elections. The headline referring to the ascendance of opposition political parties has been changed.)

At a June 2, 2013 protest in Addis Ababa, the first major anti-government rally in Ethiopia since 2005, thousands turned out, calling for the release of political prisoners. Credit: William Lloyd George/IPS

By William Lloyd-George
ADDIS ABABA , Jun 6 2013 (IPS)

Despite speculation that the first anti-government protest in eight years, which was held this week in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, might signal new levels of political tolerance by the government, leaders of the political party that organised the protest say this cannot be further from the truth.

“There has been no change since (the rule of late Prime Minister) Meles (Zenawi). They are still totalitarian dictators who rule this country like control freaks,” Yilkal Getnet, chairman of the opposition Blue Party, told IPS at the party’s headquarters in Addis Ababa.

“The government did not want to give us permission, but it was down to the timing and strategic planning and leadership of the Blue Party that we were able to break the silence, challenge the system and open the door for public expression.”

Yilkal explained that his party had told the government they would organise a demonstration during the African Union’s (AU) 50th anniversary summit, which took place here from May 25 to 27, if they were not granted permission to hold a protest after the event.

“We told them, if you don’t give us permission, we will do it anyway. You can do whatever you want, you can kill us, you can arrest us, you can take whatever measures you want. This is our constitutional right, this is the very fundamental right of all Ethiopians,” said Yilkal.

At the Jun. 2 protest, the first major anti-government rally since 2005, thousands turned out, chanting “freedom” and calling for the release of political prisoners.

The Blue Party also demanded the release of journalists, reformation of government policies in order to combat high unemployment and an end to state interference in religious affairs. They also asked the government to pay compensation to communities displaced by development.“Ethiopians need to determine their own destiny based on their own aspirations, and dreams, not as a collective, but as individuals. It is not up to the government to control everything, that's why we believe in liberal democracy.” -- Yilkal Getnet

According to rights watchdog Amnesty International’s Annual Report 2012, Ethiopia has long “used criminal charges and accusations of terrorism to silence dissent.” And a number of journalists and political opposition members have been arrested and charged with various offences, including terrorism and treason.

“Repressive legislation effectively prevented human rights organisations from functioning. Large tracts of land were leased to foreign companies, leading to large-scale displacement of local populations. Construction continued on a dam which could affect the lives of half a million people,” the report stated.

The fact that this week’s protest was allowed to take place without any police interference has left some analysts speculating that it could be the sign of a more lenient stance towards political opposition in this Horn of Africa nation.

However, according to Hallelujah Lulie, a political analyst from the Institute for Security Studies Ethiopia, it is too early to tell whether this is a sign of a changing attitude within the government.

“It is possible that this is the beginning of liberalisation and a development in the post Meles-era,” Hallelujah told IPS. “At the moment, though, it is too early to tell. We will have to wait to see how the government treats future attempts by the Blue Party to hold protests and opposition activities.”

“The issues are not that different than previous protests, but the timing is extremely significant. Nothing has happened for eight years, there has been no political rally since the 2005 elections,” said Hallelujah. “It is not certain that the government will continue to allow protests, but the Blue Party has broken through into the political sphere at a time when all the NGOs, civil society and the media are the weakest they have ever been.”

Following the 2005 announcement that the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had won another term of office, thousands of protestors took to the streets to voice their discontent with the election results and the government’s continued rule.

The EPRDF has been in government since 1991 and during the 2005 elections it appeared as if the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy and the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces would win. Riots took place in protest as pro-government supporters and police battled with the anti-government protestors. Countless demonstrators were arrested and since then little public dissent has emerged.

Many of the leaders of the Blue Party emerged from the 2005 protests. Yilkal, who graduated as an engineer, was a youth activist at the time, supporting another opposition party. He said the government put him in a military concentration camp for three months, and then in prison for a further three months.

“It was a very difficult time for us,” Yilkal said. “We were tortured, it was extremely hot, and we were interrogated every day, and asked endless questions we had no idea how to answer.”

However, Getachew Reda, spokesman for Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, said demonstrations have always been allowed in Ethiopia and permission for them is not necessary. Instead, a notification must be given to the local authorities, so they can organise the logistics needed for the protests to take place, he said.

“It was very cynical to demand to protest during the AU 50th anniversary when we needed all our security to focus on the AU celebrations,” Getachew told IPS.

The official said there was a misunderstanding that protests here were banned. He claimed they were only restricted for one month during the 2005 elections.

He also said the government would not consider the demands of the Blue Party. “We will never consider these outrageous demands, they have to give the courts a chance first and should exhaust all legal avenues before shouting in the streets,” Getachew said.

Whether the momentum of the Jun. 2 protest can continue is yet to be seen. In the eyes of many Ethiopians, disenfranchised by years of infighting within opposition parties, political and media oppression and rights abuses, the Blue Party is yet another group destined for failure.

“We’ve seen it before, people come and shout against the government but they end up destroying themselves,” said Almas, a 57-year-old shopkeeper who watched the protestors pass her little shop on Jun. 2. “The government is making its best efforts to develop this country, the protestors should work with them to bring this country forward.”

But Yilkal said the government should not dominate every aspect of Ethiopian life: “Ethiopians need to determine their own destiny based on their own aspirations, and dreams, not as a collective, but as individuals. It is not up to the government to control everything, that’s why we believe in liberal democracy.”