By Busani Bafana
BULAWAYO, May 10 2012 (IPS)

While women constitute the majority of food producers, processors and marketers in Africa, their role in the agricultural sector still remains a minor one because of cultural and social barriers.

Jane Karuku, the new AGRA boss, dreams of seeing smallholder farmers become the drivers in Africa's quest for food security. Credit: Courtesy: AGRA

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), women are the majority of the world’s agricultural producers, supplying more than 50 percent of the food that is grown globally. And in sub-Saharan Africa the number is higher, as women grow 80 to 90 percent of the food in the region.

FAO says that although across the globe women are responsible for providing the food for their families, they do this in the face of constraints and attitudes that conspire to undervalue their work and responsibilities and hinder their participation in decision and policy making.

But it is a situation that the new Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) boss, Jane Karuku, says must change in order for Africa to feed itself.

Karuku, a Kenyan business leader with a career spanning over 20 years, became the first female president of the organisation in April.

AGRA is a partnership that works on the African continent to improve food security and enhance the economic empowerment of millions of smallholder farmers and their families. It does this through nearly 100 programmes in 14 countries.

Karuku joins AGRA from Telkom Kenya, a subsidiary of France Telecom-Orange, where she was the deputy chief executive.

She told IPS about her dream of seeing smallholder farmers become the drivers in Africa’s quest for food security. Excerpts of the interview follow.

Q: Do you see your appointment as a milestone for women farmers in Africa?

A: As AGRA’s first female president, it is a great honour to advocate on behalf of the tireless women who are sowing seeds and working in fields across Africa. They are the real heroines in this story, and I hope to highlight their important contributions for a food-secure future.

Q: Do food security policies recognise the role of women farmers in the production, processing and marketing of food in agriculture?

A: Across Africa there are great signs of progress when it comes to smallholder farmers, the majority of whom are women who are building prosperous lives for themselves and their families.

Success for smallholders, however, has been lopsided. Women smallholders and rural entrepreneurs on the continent are neither participating fully nor deriving benefits in equal measure in the agri-economy owning to gender obstacles driven by cultural and societal norms. This must change if Africa is to transform the capacity to feed itself and realise the quality of life envisioned for rural households and communities in sub-Saharan Africa.

Q: In your appointment speech you said: “Smallholder farming is a way of life in Africa, full of challenges and equally full of huge opportunities.” What will you do to strike a balance for food security?

A: My focus is to work to remove the obstacles that prevent smallholder farmers across Africa from significantly boosting productivity and income, while safeguarding the environment and promoting equity. I am committed to ensuring farmers have a full range of choices when it comes to approaching their work.

Q: Smallholder farmers hold the key to food security in Africa. What is your vision for improving their situation?

A: My vision is a food-secure and prosperous Africa achieved through rapid and sustainable agricultural growth that is based on smallholder farmers who produce staple food crops. AGRA’s mission is to trigger a uniquely “African Green Revolution” that transforms agriculture into a highly productive, efficient, competitive and sustainable system to ensure food security and lift millions out of poverty.

Q: Where do you see the role of AGRA in advocating assistance for smallholder farmers to cope with the impact that climate change has on food security?

A: AGRA and its partners work together to determine the kinds of environmental safeguards farmers need to increase their yields and improve their livelihoods. By focusing on sustainable development practices, AGRA reduces environmental degradation and conserves biodiversity.

Rebuilding soil health and enabling Africa’s smallholder farmers to grow more on less land should reduce the pressure to clear and cultivate forests and savannahs, thus helping conserve the environment and biodiversity.

AGRA’s sustainable agricultural practices include improving soil health through integrated soil fertility management. We do this through using a combination of fertilisers and organic inputs, and techniques that are appropriate for local conditions and resources. Through advocating the use of agro- ecologically sound approaches to soil and crop management, such as fertiliser micro-dosing in arid areas, AGRA will guard against potential overuse of fertilisers that could harm the environment.

Q: Research is key to food security; what is your take on the current investment in agricultural research in Africa?

A: Research is critical to making the most of the full agricultural value chain – from seed to harvest. While food productivity has increased globally by 140 percent in recent decades, the figures for sub- Saharan Africa over the same period of time show a reduction. This is because farming across much of the continent has changed little in generations. The role of research is critically important.

Q: What major impact has AGRA had in Africa, and how do you plan to build on it?

A: AGRA takes a uniquely integrated approach to helping smallholder farmers overcome hunger and poverty. By focusing on seeds, soil, market access, policy and partnership and innovative financing, the programme is transforming subsistence farming into sustainable, viable commercial activities that will increase yields across the continent. I hope to continue to look for intersections and innovative opportunities to improve farmers’ lives.

Excerpt:

The only two female heads of state in Africa, Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Malawian President Joyce Banda, have just committed to using their positions to improve the lives of women across the continent.

Malawi President Joyce Banda (left) and Liberia President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf at a women's rights event in Liberia. Credit: Travis Lupick/IPS

Both Sirleaf and Banda have long championed women’s rights. And on Apr. 29 in Monrovia, two years into what the African Union (AU) has declared the “Women’s Decade”, they pledged to work together to accelerate those efforts.

“Today is a day African women must rejoice,” Banda said as Sirleaf stood by her side. “This is our day. And this is our year. And this is our decade!” And Sirleaf affirmed her – and Liberia’s – commitment to empower women.

“The two of us have great strength,” Sirleaf said. “Together, we can do more to empower women and to ensure that women’s role in society is enhanced.” She added that her country would work with the new Malawian government to advance women’s empowerment.

To be sure, the challenges before them are great. Using the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as a barometer, Liberia and Malawi generally score low in the areas of gender equality and women’s empowerment, education for girls, and maternal health.

According to 2010 U.N. Development Programme (UNDP) reports on the two countries, Liberia is only likely to meet certain goals on equality and education, and Malawi remains unlikely to meet its targets for any of the three MDGs that focus on women.

But as Banda noted during her speech, there has never been a better time to advance women’s rights in Africa.

Sirleaf, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, was elected as Africa’s first female president in 2005 and reelected in 2011. While her first term in office focused on reconstructing a country devastated by two civil wars, one from 1989 to 1996 and the second from 1999 to 2003, she has set out to use her second term as president to make women’s rights and health a national priority.

Banda succeeded former President Bingu wa Mutharika after his sudden passing on Apr. 5. After she was elected vice president in 2009, she had a falling out with Mutharika, and was subsequently expelled from the ruling Democratic People’s Party and essentially barred from participating in government.

However, she remained vice president, and in 2011 she formed the opposition People’s Party. Since Mutharika’s death a number of MPs have left the former ruling party to join her.

Both Sirleaf and Banda govern countries with significant development challenges. So devastating were Liberia’s civil wars that nearly a decade since the end of the conflict, the country is still in a state of reconciliation and reconstruction.

In Malawi, Mutharika’s last years in office were characterised by an economy crumbling under government mismanagement, which was compounded by the withdrawal of donor aid because of human rights abuses.

Yet despite the fact that Sirleaf has had to focus her efforts on reconstruction and Banda is barely one month into her time as president, there is concrete evidence indicating that both women have put the advancement of women at the top of their agendas.

At her office in Monrovia, Liberian Minister of Gender and Development Julia Duncan-Cassell described advances in women’s empowerment as observable through representation in government, as well as in ordinary women’s participation in the democratic process in Liberia.

“In 1997, market women didn’t know much about elections,” she told IPS. “In 2005, they tried, but they all voted with thumb prints. But in 2011, most of the market women were able to mark their names.”

On education, Duncan-Cassell pointed to figures indicating that the ratio of girls enrolled in school continued to climb towards parity with boys. The 2010 UNDP report on Liberia and the MDGs confirms this, noting that the ratio of girls to boys receiving a primary education stands at 0.88 to one, and for secondary education, 0.69 to one. The document states that Liberia is on track to achieve its targets on girls’ education.

With regard to women’s health, Liberia’s five-year “Road Map”, launched in March 2011, aims to “halve Liberia’s high rate of maternal and newborn death” and calls for “increasing the number of skilled birth attendants at all levels of the health care system by 50 per cent.” According to the country’s 2007 Demographic and Health Survey, Liberia’s maternal mortality rate is 994 deaths for every 100,000 live births – one of the highest in the world.

Banda too has already accomplished much for women since ascending to the presidency.

She has strengthened the voice of women in government through the appointment of eight women to senior cabinet positions. She has assigned women to the positions of deputy chief secretary to government and deputy director inspector general of police. And she has advanced women’s economic empowerment through the introduction of an agricultural programme and a market initiative.

And with the presidential initiative on maternal health and safe motherhood that is still to be launched, she admits she is following in the footsteps of Sirleaf. “This one, I learned from my big sister,” Banda said.

“Malawi’s maternal mortality rate is as high as 675 deaths per 100,000 (live births),” Banda noted. “As a woman president and a mother, I feel it is my obligation to stop the unnecessary deaths of women.”

Litha Musyimi-Ogana, head of the Women, Gender and Development Directorate for the AU, applauded the partnership she sees taking shape between Sirleaf and Banda.

“I fully embrace the pronouncement,” she said in a telephone interview from Johannesburg. “It is wonderful news to hear that President Banda and President Sirleaf have prioritised the African Women’s Decade and (have agreed) to work together to advance women’s rights.” Musyimi-Ogana added that on behalf of AU Commission head Jean Ping, the organisation pledged to make its top representatives and resources available to Sirleaf and Banda, to accomplish the goals of the AU Women’s Decade.

Meanwhile, Banda said that she believed her responsibility for ensuring women’s rights extended beyond Malawi.

“I know that women in Africa still face many challenges due to HIV and AIDS, poverty, conflict, and harmful cultural practices, among other issues,” Banda said as she looked over to Sirleaf. “However, I firmly believe that you and I will tirelessly work together to make sure that women’s rights on the continent get better.”

Duncan-Cassell also noted that challenges lie ahead. But she maintained that Banda’s rise to the presidency of Malawi was a cause for celebration.

“Now we have Joyce,” she said. “Like President Sirleaf said, she’s not going to be lonely among men anymore. She has a counterpart.”

*Additional reporting from Massa Kanneh in Monrovia.

Increasing numbers of Malian women are being raped by Tuareg rebels and armed groups that have swept across the north of Mali since the beginning of year, expelling all government troops from the region.

Increasing numbers of Malian women are being raped by Tuareg rebels and armed groups that have swept across the north of Mali since January. Credit: William Lloyd-George/IPS

According to Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch, who is currently on a mission in Mali, there have been reports of rape and sexual violence taking place in towns and villages across the region.

“We’re very concerned about what appears to be a drastic increase in the targeting and sexual abuse of women and girls by armed groups in the north,” Dufka told IPS.

“Since rebel groups consolidated their control of the northern territory they call the Azawad, Human Rights Watch has documented several cases of rape and many others cases in which girls and women have been abducted from their homes, towns and villages, and very likely sexually abused.”

Dufka reports that most of the abuses have been, “perpetrated by rebels from the MNLA and to a lesser extent Arab militias allied to them.”

The National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) is an umbrella term given to groups of armed Tuaregs who have come together with the declared goal of administrating an independent state, Azawad.

Since the colonial French left the region in 1960, there have been several Tuareg rebellions against the Malian government. Previous uprisings ended in negotiations and the appointment of rebel leaders to state positions.

However, the rebels say the Malian government has failed to stick to promises made in negotiations, and continue to demand an independent state.

This time, armed with a heavy arsenal of weapons left over from previous rebellions, and additional arms coming from Libya over the last few years, the MNLA have made unprecedented advances. This was made easier by the coup in Bamako and the subsequent withdrawal of state military in the north.

Commenting on the allegations made by Human Rights Watch, MNLA spokesman Moussa ag Assarid, currently in the Malian city of Gao, denied MNLA men were involved in the sexual violence. “These men are not MNLA, but are other men around,” says Ag Assarid speaking over the phone from Gao. He admitted, however, that “We cannot control all the people in Azawad.”

Although the MNLA declared an independent state on Apr 6, residents in the region say the rebel movement does not really seem to be in control. “One day, one armed group will come into town, then the next day it will be another; we feel very unsafe,” one resident in Gao who preferred to remain anonymous told IPS over the phone.

Since the conflict began, several armed Islamist groups have emerged in the region, adding to concerns for the future of women’s rights.

One group, Ansar Dine, led by Iyad Ag Ghali, a prominent leader in previous Tuareg uprisings, has begun attempting to enforce Sharia law in the north. Soon after entering Timbuktu, Ag Ghali announced the group’s beliefs on the radio.

“Misfortune is due to people’s lack of faith in God, and because they have abandoned the practice of Sharia, because we have changed our way of life under the influence of whites,” he said.

While Ag Ghali is estimated to only have around 300 men in his ranks, his influence goes far and wide. Many MNLA commanders are still loyal to him from previous rebellions, as are drug smugglers, and other Islamist groups in the region.

Since Ansar Dine announced Sharia law, there have been unconfirmed reports of Ag Gali travelling with leaders from AQIM, the regional Al Qaeda group. It is also believed that Nigeria’s extremist group, Boko Haram, and the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa have been operating in the region.

As residents report foreigners increasingly being spotted in the Islamists ranks, fears grow that Ag Ghali’s goal of creating an Islamic state could be closer to being achieved. Many Malian women, who have enjoyed freedom and relative equality compared to women in other countries in the region, are concerned this freedom could soon be a thing of the past.

“Since these groups have arrived, we hardly go outside, we are terrified what will happen if we forget to do something they have told us to do,” a 40-year-old market vendor in Timbuktu, who also wished to remain anonymous, told IPS.

“I have been working in the market all my life, it is how I feed my children, how can I just stop now? Even if they allow me to work, I am not used to sitting in the baking heat all day covered head to toe.”

It is reported that Ansar Dine and other Islamist groups have been going door-to-door ordering women to wear veils and respect Islamic law. They have been going to hairdressers and ripping down photos of unveiled women, shutting down brothels and prohibiting the sale of alcoholic drinks.

While there have not been any reports of women being punished by Ansar Dine for failing to adhere to Sharia law, women in the region are growing increasingly fearful of the possibility that they will start being punished if the Islamist group gains more control.

Food, electricity and infrastructure have also been severely affected by the conflict. In many cities food and water are running low, and it has been difficult for civilians to receive humanitarian aid.

“The vulnerability of women in the north is increased by the lack of medical care, non-existent rule of law institutions, and limited humanitarian assistance which could mitigate their suffering and deter further abuse,” says Dufka.

By Kristin Palitza and - -
CAPE TOWN, South Africa, Apr 17 2012 (IPS)

More than three years after the start of the global economic crisis, which has had a considerable impact on African trade, investments and gross domestic product, investment prospects on the continent are increasing.

Johannesburg Stock Exchange CEO Nicky Newton-King. Credit: Kristin Palitza/IPS

“There are a lot of interesting opportunities. Not only in mining, but also telecommunications, banking, mobile services and ICT (Information and Communications Technology). It is because those investments are able to traverse a huge space without needing infrastructure,” says Newton-King.

Four months into her appointment as head of the 123-year old stock exchange, the 44-year-old Cambridge and South African educated lawyer and financial services expert talks about her take on the latest African investment opportunities and risks.

Excerpts from the interview follow.

Q: Are there opportunities for African countries, especially commodity-heavy nations, to benefit from the financial crisis?

A: Emerging markets experienced a two-way effect. After initially withdrawing from emerging markets, investors realised that, ultimately, the returns they get from emerging markets are higher than those from their home markets. That made re-investments attractive.

Q: What level of political stability is necessary to attract foreign investment?

A: We are in a state of contested elections. That means policy directions are up for debate. From an investor perspective, that creates a huge degree of uncertainty. People are unsure if they want to make long-term investments until they know how certain a political environment is.

This is an issue for us in South Africa, in Africa, and for us as an exchange. We therefore spend a lot of time talking to government and the relevant policy makers to decide on core tenets of our policy direction, so everyone can relax into certainty mode.

On the other hand, there are investors who are quite tolerant of political environments. People will invest in Zimbabwe and in Kazakhstan, because ultimately, the money counts.

Q: In December 2010 South Africa was invited to join the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) group of emerging economies. Has this brought additional trade to the continent?

A: We definitely see a shift towards South-South and East-South, away from the West. BRICS and related opportunities are going to feature more in our lives than before. We expect to see larger portions of investment flows coming from the East and Brazil. Some big banks predict that by 2020, 40 percent of global wealth will be in BRICS countries.

Q: Does the JSE collaborate with other African exchanges?

A: There are 24 stock exchanges on the African continent, but some only trade 10 trades a day (while the JSE has at least 120,000 trades a day in its equities market). We are the elephant on the continent. Still, I would like to see a much deeper level of cooperation.

There is good communication between the different management teams of other African stock exchanges, for example with Nigeria and Kenya. There are a couple of things we are working on in terms of better cooperation, such as cross-linking products and sharing technology. But that does not translate into new business yet.

Q: Would it make sense to form a single African exchange?

A: It is not a goal we are pursuing. We have seen too many other attempts, big global mergers that have run into cross-border regulatory issues. We think we can achieve the same benefits if we work on cross routines and closer product diversity opportunities. That is where our efforts are going.

Q: In 2009, the JSE launched an Africa Board where the continent’s top companies can be traded, to promote African capital market growth. Has this been a successful strategy?

A: The Africa Board did not achieve what we wanted to achieve. We wanted to create a short-cut marketing segment to showcase African companies, but we have only 14 African companies listed today. We fully expect to get more, but it will happen over time.

Q: What is it like to be the first woman to head the JSE?

A: It is interesting. Sixteen years ago, when I joined the JSE, I would have been terrified to go close to the trading floor, because it was a pretty scary place for anyone in a skirt. Today, we have 500 people working at the JSE, and it is almost 50-50 female to male ratio, and my executive is seven to six, women to men. A diverse organisation attracts more diversity. There is a huge amount of strength in that.

Excerpt:

She has been in office for less than a week but Malawi’s, and the region’s, first female president, Joyce Banda, has given many people in this poor southern African country hope that its social and economic woes will soon end.

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world: 74 percent of the population here lives on less than 1.25 dollars a day. Credit: Claire Ngozo/IPS

The former vice president, who took over the presidency on Apr. 7 following the death of President Bingu wa Mutharika two days earlier, has already axed key people who held influential positions in the previous government. Inspector General of Police Peter Mukhitho and Secretary to the Treasury Joseph Mwanamvekha, under whose reign the country suffered severe fuel and foreign exchange shortages, are some of those who have been fired.

Minister of Information Patricia Kaliati was also fired. Kaliati was the leader of attempts to bar Banda from taking over the presidency after Mutharika’s death, in favour of his brother, Peter. She is a fierce critic of Banda who, she frequently has said, is incapable of leading the country.

But Louda Kamwendo, a small-scale trader in Lilongwe, is hopeful about the changes. Kamwendo told IPS that just last week she was on the verge of closing down her business of importing furniture and building materials from China.

Since September 2010, Malawi has had erratic availability of both fuel and forex, and the impact on Kamwendo’s business had reached crisis point. But the news of Banda’s appointment as president has convinced her to wait in the hope that the economic situation improves.

“I have been waiting for two months now for forex from the bank and this made me miss my scheduled trip to China. I was contemplating closing down my business but I have decided to wait and see what President Banda will do to rescue the situation,” Kamwendo told IPS. She said this was the longest she has ever had to wait to access foreign exchange.

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world: 74 percent of the population here lives on less than 1.25 dollars a day, and nearly one in 10 children die before their fifth birthday. The rising cost of basic commodities has added to these woes and the country is also experiencing shortages of necessities such as sugar and bread.

Under Mutharika, the country’s donor relations suffered greatly following accusations that Malawi failed to respect the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and the right to freedom of the press. Donors had refused to release up to 400 million dollars and the United States suspended a 350 million dollar grant.

Unprecedented nationwide protests broke out Jul. 20-21, 2011 against Mutharika, who they blamed for the failing economy. Banda had been a vocal supporter of the protests.

On Apr. 10 Banda announced that donors had expressed a willingness to assist Malawi in its economic recovery efforts.

The new president said that she had already been in talks with the United Kingdom and the U.S. over the resumption of aid.

“I am personally committed to ensuring that the government of Malawi addresses issues that negatively affected our relations with donors,” Banda said. “My government is committed to restoring the rule of law, respect for human rights and freedoms and demonstrating good economic governance, starting with making sure Malawi has a programme with the International Monetary Fund.”

Banda’s political changes are given Malawi a new lease on life, according to Dalitso Kubalasa, the executive director of the Malawi Economic Justice Network, a coalition of more than 100 civil society organisations that promotes economic governance.

Kubalasa told IPS that the country has every reason to do better economically and socially if the political will shown by Banda is sustained.

“There has been a general acceptance of the new leadership by almost all stakeholders including the private sector, citizens and international donors. This is really a good sign,” said Kubalasa.

He said that expectations are high and Banda should accelerate her efforts.

“Actions speak louder. She should now put words into action. We are all turning over a new leaf and starting a new chapter,” said Kubalasa.

Prominent political analyst Mustapha Hussein told IPS that Malawians are hopeful they will no longer have to face human rights abuses as they did under Mutharika.

“The police, in the previous government, were being used as an organ of Mutharika’s political party,” the analyst said. “The police were used as an instrument of instilling fear in the citizens, and Banda’s move to dismiss the inspector general of police has given hope to many that this country has indeed changed for the better.”

Hussein told IPS that the initial steps taken by Banda suggest that her People’s Party has social democracy as its ideological base.

“The new government has demonstrated that it wants to move very fast in sorting out problems facing the people of Malawi. I think we have started on the right footing,” said Hussein.

On Apr. 12, Banda swore into office Moses Kunkuyu as the new minister of information.

“Government’s integrity is measured by what its minister of information says. Every government is judged by what comes out of its mouth,” Banda said at the ceremony.

Kaliati had lied on national radio about Mutharika’s death, claiming he was alive long after he had passed away.

Although Kunkuyu, a member of parliament, belongs to Mutharika’s Democratic People’s Party, he and five other MPs in the party openly opposed the late former president’s policies.

Banda also said at a press briefing on Apr. 11 that she would be firing and reshuffling a number of government officials.

“This is normal in a new government. I have to appoint the right people to befitting positions,” said Banda.

As Malawians celebrate Joyce Banda’s appointment as president on sites, like Facebook and Twitter, the increased use of social media in Malawi comes full circle as her new government takes office.

On Jul. 20, 2011, the peaceful country of Malawi broke out into nationwide anti-government protests. Credit: Katie Lin/IPS

For it was during the country’s civil society mobilisation against the former government that social media first gained popularity as a platform for airing grievances here.

Now, as Banda begins to purge the Malawian government of corrupt officials and woos international donors back in an attempt to ease the country’s economic woes, users on social media have increased.

The news of President Bingu wa Mutharika’s death began circulating as rumours on Facebook newsfeeds in Malawi two days before it was officially confirmed by government officials on Apr. 7.

The subsequent appointment of former Vice President Banda as the new head of state, and the first female president in southern Africa, only amplified the level of online activity as messages of support and optimism sprouted up all over Twitter and Facebook.

July protests stir up online community

But the country’s online community was first stirred to action during last year’s protests. On Jul. 20, 2011, the apparently peaceful country of Malawi broke out into nationwide anti-government protests in response to a deteriorating economy and political mismanagement. Persistent fuel and foreign exchange shortages added to the frustrations.

The protests lasted two days and resulted in 20 deaths.

So when the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA) temporarily shut down private broadcasters and popular news websites were blocked, Malawians turned to social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter for the latest information.

“There’s a tendency among officials — especially government politicians — to control the flow of information,” explains Arnold Munthali, new media editor for Blantyre Newspapers Limited (BNL).

“However, social media has created a socially free and more politically aware population, which the government is helpless to control.”

According to the social media statistics portal, Socialbakers.com, there are currently 132,580 Facebook users in Malawi. While this represents less than one percent of the nation’s 15 million people, the number of Facebook users grew more than 50 percent between March 2011 and March 2012.

Such a remarkable surge in usage over a period of civil unrest indicates that social media has a place in Malawi, despite the country’s low internet penetration. In 2010, the International Telecommunications Union estimated that just 4.5 percent of Malawi’s population was using the internet, with access limited primarily by poor communications infrastructure.

As the days of protest unfolded, however, Malawians across the country took to cyberspace, posting photographs of wounded demonstrators and damaged property on Facebook; alerting protestors of volatile areas and describing the police presence at each location, through Twitter channels; and posting on Youtube cell phone videos documenting the chaos.

Some subscribed to pro-democracy Facebook groups. Others, like 28-year-old Rogers Siula, a media planner who participated in the July protests in Blantyre, took to the blogging sphere.

“We are in an environment where young people, who have incredible potential to flourish and steer Malawi into a dynamic, fresh and energetic country, are being oppressed left, right and centre,” says Siula.

“In this tense political atmosphere, platforms like Facebook, blogs, and Twitter are safe.”

It is this aspect of anonymity that social media offers which appeals to Malawians – but it is also that which affords government officials the ability to disguise their identity online and therefore more easily identify and monitor particularly outspoken individuals.

Online activism gains momentum amidst attacks and arrests

Malawi may have moved into a new year, but old tensions followed, giving rise to new controversies.

On Jan. 17, 2012, a group of market vendors in the country’s capital of Lilongwe stripped women wearing trousers and short skirts after the late Mutharika reportedly voiced concerns about how women were dressing.

Concerned citizens gathered online to condemn the vendors’ actions, including a group of women who launched the campaign, “Stop Violence Against Women in Malawi.”

They advertised in newspapers and on the radio, and also reached out to more than 5,000 people through Facebook – 1,413 of whom accepted an invitation to a peaceful sit-in, according to the group’s page.

More recently, the arbitrary arrest of prominent human rights lawyer, Ralph Kasambara, in February gained international attention through the emergence of support groups on Facebook, such as the “Free Ralph Kasambara” group, where supporters publicly deplored the persecution he faced.

Eight days after his arrest, Kasambara was released on bail. He credits social media with playing a pivotal role in his release.

“It brought the local problem into a global context, and as a result of that, our friends from the International Court of Justice were able to … get information as it was happening around here,” says Kasambara.

Social networking a source of support in the perpetual ‘hunt for fuel’

But social media is not just being used to fuel nationwide political action. On a smaller scale, it is also helping Malawi’s urban population tackle day-to-day battles, such as the ongoing struggle to locate fuel.

Frederick Bvalani is one of the co-founders of Malawi Fuel Watch (MFW), a Facebook group with over 7,400 members that shares information about the location and price of fuel in the country’s cities.

“The relatively low cost of communicating on the internet and the available audience on a forum like Facebook make it ideal for promoting change and connecting people that want to see a different and better Malawi,” says Bvalani.

For Billy Ngoma, 27, the benefits of MFW are obvious.

“You can spend six to eight hours in a long queue to get 25 litres of fuel,” he says. “The fuel watch group has helped those of us who use social networking so we know which gas station will have fuel.”

The future of social media in Malawi

From the online orchestration of the July protests to the buzz surrounding Mutharika’s death, it seems that social media is quickly gaining its bearings in Malawi.

However, the increased use of such speedy information-sharing platforms over the past year has also exposed some misuse of them.

Just as quickly as news of July protests and Mutharika’s death spread, so too did rumours and misinformation.

And on the part of the media, Munthali explains that BNL was simply unprepared to respond to the online community by the time the need to do so arose during the July protests.

“Our initiative was poorly marketed – apart from the feed from our reporters via text messages, we had few else to rely on as our Facebook and Twitter followers were not impressive.”

But such shortcomings are not enough to make the media shy away from embracing these widely used social platforms.

Nor is the threat of censorship.

“With the traditional media constantly hounded by unpopular laws enacted and enforced by the Malawi government, we intend to enhance our online presence by becoming more interactive with our audience,” he says.

And the means by which Malawians might engage with social media are improving. Since 2009, the MACRA has been rolling out Information and Communications Technology centres across the country. This initiative, alongside the installation of fibre optic cables in urban centres by Malawi Telecommunications Limited and the increased use of cell phones, will undoubtedly affect internet usage, and therefore, information access, in both rural and urban areas.

As President Banda transitions into her new role and the challenges that the country faces persist, it is still too early to know what effects this change will have – but Malawians will, no doubt, be talking about it online.

“There is something about the internet that gives people boldness to speak their mind – people are connecting, sharing stories and ideas,” Bvalani says. “Others who have suffered in silence speak out.”

“Social media has given Malawians a platform to have a voice.”

It would be too simplistic to think that Malawi’s problems have ended with the death of President Bingu wa Mutharika. But it is an opportunity for newly appointed President Joyce Banda, who is also leader of the opposition People’s Party, to step up and offer a new and more responsive style of leadership.

Malawi’s Army Commander General Henry Odillo hands over the presidential sword to President Joyce Banda at her swearing in ceremony. Credit: Claire Ngozo/IPS

Mutharika, who assumed leadership in 2004 and was serving his second term of office, suffered a heart attack on Apr. 5 at his palace in Lilongwe. According to reports he was rushed to the country’s main referral medical facility, Kamuzu Central Hospital in Lilongwe. He was later airlifted to South Africa, the government said. Throughout Apr. 6 there had been unconfirmed rumours that he had died. But state radio only confirmed the following day that the 78-year-old president had died and declared 10 days of mourning.

Malawians danced in the streets and in marketplaces as a sense of jubilation swept across the country when the Office of the President and Cabinet finally confirmed the death. Hours later, Banda was sworn into office. She is southern Africa’s first female head of state and will fill the post until the country’s general elections in 2014.

She has dedicated much of her life to the economic empowerment of women and women’s rights. Banda, the daughter of a policeman, told IPS in an interview in December 2011 that women were significantly under represented in areas of economic decision making and the key to addressing the situation was to put more of the country’s money in the hands of its mothers.

Nelia Kagwa, the chairperson of the Women Traders Association in Lilongwe, told IPS that she hoped Banda would mend the country’s failing economy.

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world as 74 percent of the population here lives on less than 1.25 dollars a day, and nearly one in 10 children die before their fifth birthday. The rising cost of basic commodities has added to these woes and the country is also experiencing shortages of necessities such as sugar and bread. The items have become even more difficult to afford since the government introduced a value-added tax of up to 16.5 percent on products such as bread, meat, milk and dairy in June 2011.

“Maize prices have almost doubled in the past year and many families can no longer afford a basic meal,” Kagwa said.

“She won a prestigious award on ending hunger in her community. She could end hunger for many Malawians if she is given chance.”

Banda was awarded the joint Africa Prize for Leadership for the Sustainable End of Hunger in 1997, together with Mozambique’s former President Joaquim Chissano.

James Kaliwo, a street vendor in Lilongwe, told IPS that “a new dawn has risen over Malawi” following Mutharika’s death.

“Things have been getting worse economically and socially. God has answered our prayers. Mutharika caused problems for all of us by failing to improve the economy,” said Kaliwo.

Prominent local political analyst Boniface Dulani told IPS that while it would be too simplistic to assume that Malawi’s problems have ended with Mutharika’s death, there is no doubt that it offers the country an opportunity for a fresh start.

Dulani told IPS that Banda should make the most of her appointment until the country’s general elections in 2014.

“Whilst previously Banda would have had to count on the sympathy vote of Malawians, she could earn the confidence of voters by demonstrating that she has the ability to take Malawi in a new and truly progressive direction. She could seize the opportunity and win over the trust of Malawians who have grown increasingly suspect of those in the corridors of power,” said Dulani.

He said that it is not certain whether ruling party legislators would try to frustrate her agenda as they hold a commanding parliamentary majority.

However, many are hopeful that the country’s economic woes will ease. Dulani said that with the appointment of a new administration, donor support to Malawi would resume.

“Most of Malawi’s recent challenges, including those rooted in a myopic foreign exchange policy and the loss of donor support because of poor governance, can be easily and quickly reversed,” said Dulani.

Malawi’s donor relations suffered greatly following accusations that the southern African country has failed to respect the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and the right to freedom of the press. Donors had refused to release up to 400 million dollars and the United States suspended a 350 million dollar grant.

The country’s failing economy, and the fuel and foreign exchange shortages, saw unprecedented nationwide protests against Mutharika from Jul. 20 to 21, 2011. Twenty-one people were killed by the police and 275 were arrested. Banda was a vocal supporter of the protests.

Dorothy Ngoma, a prominent civil society leader who was among those leading the protests against Mutharika, said she has faith that Banda will rescue the country from its economic crisis.

“She is very capable. She is so reliable. I am so sure we will see change in this country very soon,” Ngoma told IPS.

Civil society leaders and some government officials also expressed their joy and support for Banda, who is also leader of the opposition People’s Party, as she addressed supporters and the media outside her home in Lilongwe hours before her inauguration.

“Malawi should adhere to the Constitution of the Republic in moving forward,” she said. At her swearing in ceremony she added: “this is no time for revenge; we need to move forward as country.”

Almost all the country’s cabinet ministers attended the signing in ceremony. One noticable exception was Peter Mutharika, the late president’s brother.

The two-day delay in the announcement of the presdient’s passing led to concerns that there would be a power struggle between Banda and the ruling party. Malawi’s Deputy Minister of Transport Catherine Gotani-Hara told IPS that Mutharika’s allies wanted his younger brother, Peter, to assume office.

It is an issue that Banda and Mutharika clashed on in the past. Mutharika expelled Banda, a former ally, from his Democratic People’s Party for insubordination when she refused to endorse Peter Mutharika as the ruling party’s candidate for the 2014 presidential elections.

Mutharika then excluded Banda from working as a part of his government. She launched the opposition People’s Party in September 2011 but remained vice president, as it is an elected and constitutional office.

No man, except for those raised here as children, lives in Umoja village in Kenya; one has not for two decades. It is a village only of and for women, women who have been abused, raped, and forced from their homes.

No man, except for those raised here as children, lives in Umoja village in Kenya. Credit: Hannah Rubenstein/IPS

But in this remote village, located in the grasslands of Samburu district, this mantra does not ring true. In Umoja, as one female resident says, “We are our own heads.”

Umoja, which means “unity” in Swahili, holds a unique status in the country: it is a village populated solely by women. For more than two decades, no men have been permitted to reside here.

The rule is one of the requirements of a community that has fought against overwhelming odds to become a place of refuge for women. It is a sanctuary where men – who have been the cause of so many problems for these women – are simply not welcome.

In the 22 years since its founding, the village has had a significant impact not only on the women who choose to call Umoja home but within the communities that surround it. The example that Umoja has set, coupled with the outreach efforts of its residents, has touched the lives of women in the region.

Celena Green, who is the Africa programme director for an organisation called Vital Voices that works with the women of Umoja, told IPS: “The existence of Umoja has allowed women’s groups in other surrounding villages to learn from the empowerment and pride of the Umoja women.”

Women from nearby communities attend workshops in the village that are aimed at educating women and girls about human rights, gender equity, and violence prevention. When the women return home, Green explained, “they begin to change the culture, demanding a safe, violence free community where women and girls are valued and protected.”

“Ideally, no woman or girl should ever have to flee her home to come to Umoja in the first place,” she added. “But ultimately, the aim of Umoja is to provide an emergency safe haven for those women who are in distress, and more importantly to contribute toward building communities where everyone is valued and can succeed.”

Umoja’s history began in 1990, when a collective of 15 Samburu women, who called themselves the Umoja Uaso Women’s Group, began selling beadwork and other goods to raise money for themselves and their families. As the group began to grow financially lucrative, they found themselves facing increasing harassment by men in their communities who felt that economic growth was not appropriate for the women, who traditionally play a subordinate role.

In response, the women, led by matriarch Rebecca Lolosoli, decided to break away and begin their own village, in order to ensure security and cooperation for themselves out of the reach of those who sought to undermine them.

Today, Umoja is home to 48 women who have come from all over the country. Their stories vary – some were young girls fleeing forced marriages to old men, others were raped or sexually abused, and several were widows who were shunned by their communities. Moreover, several women residing in the village are Turkana, taking refuge from the tribal violence currently raging in the central region of Isiolo.

The villagers, who rely on the sale of beadwork and profits from a nearby campsite and cultural center, pool their funds as a collective to support themselves. In addition to providing food and basic necessities for village residents, profits are used to cover medical fees and the operation of a school that serves both the village’s children and its adult women who wish to learn basic skills and literacy.

Nagusi Lolemu, an older woman with delicate hands and a melodious voice, is one of the village’s original founders. Sitting in the shade, her nimble fingers string red beads deftly in one fluid, unthinking movement, as she speaks rapidly in Samburu.

Lolemu’s story echoes a recurring theme in the village: she was widowed after years of marriage and subsequently rejected by the community she called home. “There were too many single women,” she explained to IPS through a translator. Single women, who are not permitted to hold property in Samburu culture, and generally are not educated, are viewed as a financial drain on the community. When her husband passed away, she was no longer welcome in her home.

Nagusi, who has been living in Umoja for 22 years, has two grown children. She does not question her decision to leave her home for Umoja.

“My children are educated, working, and giving back to the family and the community,” she told IPS. “In a regular village, this could not happen.”

In her village – like any other traditional community – there is little opportunity for women’s education and the consequential financial benefits it brings, she explained. Her daughter would have grown up as she did, illiterate and dependent on men for all her basic needs.

“Here,” Lolemu said, matter-of-factly, “everyone is equal.”

Green echoes this statement, explaining to IPS: “In a traditional village, women may not have had the opportunity to exercise leadership, to be in control of their wealth or resources, and they would more likely experience domestic violence, female genital cutting, child marriage and other traditional practices that discriminate against and physically harm women and children.”

In addition to barring men from residing in the village, the women of Umoja live by a set of self- imposed rules, which, as Lolemu explained, are based on ensuring equality and mutual respect within the village.

Residents are required to wear the traditional clothes and intricate beadwork jewelry of their people at all times, in order to preserve and promote their cultural heritage. The practice of female genital mutilation is not permitted. And the only males allowed to sleep in the village are those who have been raised there as children.

One of the most striking aspects of Umoja is the women’s attitude towards men. In a place where men have been the root cause of so many hardships, and, in most cases, the reason the residents fled their homes, it is tempting to think that the victims want nothing more to do with them and are happy to live the rest of their lives surrounded by other women. This is not the case at all – in fact, most of the younger women in the village plan on marrying and raising families.

The difference is that they are going to do it on their own terms.

Judy, a 19-year-old resident who fled an arranged marriage to a much older, polygamous man five years ago, is planning on getting married some day. She dates – outside the confines of the village, which is not only permitted but encouraged by the older residents – and is raising a six-month-old named Ivan, who squirms and coos in her arms as she speaks. One day, she will marry and leave Umoja for her husband’s village. But, until then, she is happy here.

When asked if there is anything she misses from her previous life, any element of living in a women’s- only village that she finds lacking, she laughs.

“No. Here we have everything,” she says, and smiles.

In Umoja, women are not only their own “heads” – each is her entire body.

By Lewis Mwanangombe and - -
LUSAKA, Feb 29 2012 (IPS)

Eight years ago when Mary Sitali’s husband divorced her, by sending a traditional letter to her parents saying that he no longer wanted her and they could “marry her to any man of your choice – be he a tall or a short man, the choice being entirely yours,” she returned to her village in rural Zambia with their two children and no way of supporting them.

The Barotse Flood Plain, about 190 kilometres long and 70 km wide, floods during the peak rainy season that starts in late January. Credit: Lewis Mwanangombe/IPS

The village is on the fringes of the Barotse Flood Plain, about 190 kilometres long and 70 km wide, which floods during the peak rainy season that starts in late January.

One of the pieces of land that Sitali’s father let her farm was near this flood plain and she was able to plant the traditional rice seed known locally as “Angola”.

The second offer of marriage never came. But through her efforts as a rice farmer Sitali was able to partially support her children, her mother, and even her late brother’s three children.

For this reason it has always been outside the basket of crops that receive farm subsidies from the government.

But Sitali is a member of the Nañoko Cooperative Association, which negotiates for farm support for its members from both the government and civil society. It is one of the more than 87 such cooperative associations in the country to which women farmers belong.

According to government statistics, more than 1.5 million women work in agriculture, either as paid employees or as small-scale farmers. Most are semi-illiterate or illiterate and have no formal training in farming practices.

However, NGOs like Concern Worldwide, Civil Society for Poverty Reduction, Pelum Association, Keepers Zambia Foundation, Action-Aid International, Oxfam International and many others support Zambia’s women farmers with training, seed, fertilisers, farm animals and implements. And now the government has started subsidising rice farmers.

“Under the government’s Farmer Input Support Programme we now give rice farmers two bags of subsidised chemical fertilisers – one basal, and a top dressing… They are also given a 10 kilogramme pocket of rice seed,” George Muleta, a field officer for the Ministry of Agriculture, said. On the open market fertilisers can sell for as much as 37 dollars for a 50 kg bag, but with the subsidy it only costs 10 dollars.

The Western Province is the poorest region in Zambia, according to the country’s 2000 national census. Here there are almost two million households, and women like Sitali, who are either divorced, widowed or unmarried, head up to 19 percent of these homes.

And 13,750 women in this province are currently engaged in rice farming, according to the Ministry of Agriculture.

Patrick Chibbamulilo, senior programme officer at the Japan International Cooperation Agency, said that between 1988 to 2008 Zambia’s national rice harvest grew from about 9,293 metric tonnes to about 24,023. But in only three years from 2007 to 2010 it jumped from 18,317 metric tonnes to 53,000 – a leap of about 288 percent.

Rice farming in Zambia is still rudimentary as the yield per hectare is only 1.44 metric tonnes, compared to the African average of 2.5 metric tonnes per hectare and the world average of 4.15 tonnes per hectare, according to records at the International Rice Research Institute.

For the women in Western Province, farming maize has not been a viable option because the soil here does not support its growth. While it can grow on the flood plain it will be washed away by the seasonal floodwaters from January to May before it matures.

But Sitali and other women here have now benefited from the introduction of a new seed variety of wheat, locally called Nduna.

“We used to go hungry in the lean months of September, October and November – before the mangoes ripen,” Sitali said. “But not anymore, and all thanks to Nduna.”

Nduna, in the local Silozi language of the province, is the title of a traditional leader but the Ministry of Agriculture introduced a wheat seed variety of the same name in 2010. And it was developed specifically for the wetlands of Western Zambia, Muleta explained.

“The introduction of wheat as a second crop has really helped us. Otherwise we would have died of hunger. It has really put money in our pockets,” Butete Biemba, a rice farmer from Ushaa village in Western Province, said. Like Sitali she is a single mother looking after a family of six, after her husband died of HIV/AIDS. She is also a member of the Nañoko Cooperative Association.

Now both Sitali and Biemba earn 60 cents per kg for their wheat. It is more than twice the amount they can sell their rice for, which goes for 25 cents per kg at harvest time.

“Unlike rice, wheat does not require so much water to grow. Just the wetness in the soil is good enough for the crop. And the great thing is that by September all the wheat would have been harvested, leaving the farmers time in which to prepare their fields for the next rice planting season,” Muleta said.

Excerpt:

As Somalia’s transitional government and various stakeholders meet Wednesday to discuss the inclusion of the country’s clans in the new government, women politicians have called for a greater role in the leadership of this East African nation.

Most Somali women have to provide for their families as the country’s female politicians call for greater representation in parliament. Credit: Shafi’i Mohyaddin Abokar/IPS

The Somali government, regional autonomies, civil society, and the non-militant Islamist group Ahlu Sunna Waljama’a will meet in Garowe, Puntland state from Feb. 15 to 16 to discuss the composition of the country’s new parliament as the transitional period ends this August.

In exclusive interviews with IPS, the Minister for Women’s Development and Family Care, Dr. Mariam Aweis Jama, and the director for Women’s Affairs at the Presidential Palace, Malyun Sheik Heidar, said it was time that Somali women played a key part in the country’s leadership.

Jama said that in Somalia women are denied access to leadership and accused Somali men of not respecting women and preventing them from having a greater role in politics.

A woman has only ever held the ministerial post for Women’s Development and Family Care, and no woman has been appointed to other ministerial roles.

“As I remember, in the country’s history only the Ministry of Women’s (Development and Family Care) was always given to the Somali women. But that time was passed and we are going to have an equal share in the future cabinet,” Heidar said.

Both Jama and Heidar said they want to see more women in various ministerial posts and in the country’s other top leadership positions.

Heidar said that it was shameful that there is no regional female governor in the country, which consists of 18 regions and nearly 100 districts. “We only have one female district commissioner in Mogadishu, and that is unacceptable to us,” she said referring to Deqo Abdulkader, the commissioner of Wardhigley district in Mogadishu.

“Women are about 70 percent of the people and that is why Islam allowed that a man can marry four wives, so it is misfortune to neglect the role of women who are a majority in every community. We need (to be part of the) Presidency, we need a woman to become Prime Minister or Speaker of Parliament,” Jama said adding that Somali women are also lobbying to lead diplomatic missions abroad.

Jama said that according to Article 29 of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Charter, drawn up during the Somali National Reconciliation Conference in Kenya in 2004, women must comprise 12 percent of the transitional parliament. However, she feels they were cheated and not given enough posts in the current government.

Only 41 out of the 550-member Somali parliament are women – a mere seven percent. The Human Rights Committee is the only one of 27 parliamentary sub-committees chaired by a woman, Hawa Abdullahi Qayad.

However, women’s representation in the country’s 20 political parties has grown from five percent to at least 11 percent since 2004, although women mostly work in public relations and women’s affairs.

Women’s representation in parliament is also set to increase to 30 percent when the transitional period ends in August.

At a conference mapping out the country’s new constitution in Djibouti from Jan. 6 to 12, participants unanimously accepted a motion that 30 percent of the next parliament’s seats would to go to women. Somali lawmaker Sheik Jama Hajji Hussein, a moderate religious man and a long-time politician, said he had made the recommendation.

“In the era of Prophet Mohamed … women were teaching at Islamic schools, also the prophet’s wives used to teach some of his companions. So learning from this, women may have a big role in the community and it does not matter if they serve as politicians or a woman becomes the Somali Prime Minister or Speaker of Parliament,” Hussein said.

But Jama said that a 30 percent representation is not enough.

“We are not satisfied with 30 percent and I am telling you with a loud voice that after the transitional period ends we want 50 percent of parliament’s seats to go to women,” Jama said.

“There are thousands of educated women, including hundreds who have specialised in policy, so I am confident that Somali women currently have the knowledge and the power to lead,” she added.

For her part, Heidar wants to be chief of the country’s cabinet. “From now on nothing can prevent us from taking high posts in the country’s leadership and in the future I want to become Somalia’s Prime Minister.” The Prime Minister is the 2nd highest-ranking person in Somalia, after the President.

“In the years to come I will run for Parliamentary Speaker … I am sure someday that a Somali woman will lead parliament, or the whole country,” Heidar said of her plan to occupy one of the top jobs in Somalia.

However, women here still face resistance as Somali men have different views on women’s role in government. Most do not accept that women have a role in policy development or governance. Here, in this Horn of Africa country, religious and cultural zealots preach that women should not play a role in politics.

“Our Islamic religion tells us that those who are led by women will fail, so in accordance with Islam women must refrain from their ambition of leading a country and having representation in policy,” Ugas Abokar Islow Hassan, a well-known Somali tribal leader told IPS, adding that women must refrain from aspiring to political posts.

Sheik Farah Yusuf Mohamed, a fundamentalist preacher and Imam at Al-Huda Mosque in the capital, believes that a “woman’s mind is incomplete to lead a country” and that, according to Islam, they are only allowed to care for their homes.

But Ali Mohammed Nuh, the leader of the United Somali Republican Party believes that Somali women must be allowed to play a role in politics.

“In my party the representation of women has been expanded and I am prioritising that women have more membership in political parties—in my party we have a female deputy chairperson for public affairs,” Nuh said.

“Now women make up about 10 percent of our party’s members and I am very hopeful that the number of women in the United Somali Republican Party will increase in the years to come,” he added.

Fifty years ago when Sierra Leone gained independence after 150 years of colonial rule, with it came a feeling of optimism that along with a newfound control of its governance, the country would profit from its ample endowment of natural resources, like timber, fish, minerals and oil. Instead, in the last 50 years, the country has had 13 military coups and an 11-year civil war that left the economy in ruins and the country heavily reliant on foreign donor funding.

Participants at the Sierra Leone Conference on Development and Transformation outlining recommendations on how to develop of the country. Credit: Damon van der Linde/IPS

Following the Sierra Leone Conference on Development and Transformation in Freetown, a communiqué is being submitted to parliament outlining recommendations on how to develop of the country over the next 50 years.

“We were celebrating 50 years of independence, and in those 50 years, we have seen the economy and society go down to the point where we were in conflict. We had all the elements to become prosperous, but we did not become prosperous,” said Herbert McLeod, the Conference’s national coordinator. The country gained independence on from Britain on Apr. 27, 1951. “Though we emerged from conflict, we are still struggling to get our foothold. The question is: if we continue to do what we did before, is there any guarantee we will not go down the same road?”

And in spite of the country’s mineral wealth, Sierra Leone remains nearly at the bottom of the Human Development Index, ranking 180 of 187 countries in providing its citizens with a long and healthy life, education and a decent standard of living.

Many of the communiqué’s recommendations for improving the economy differ from the growing push towards increased foreign investment in mining, instead focusing on the long-term benefits of health, education and infrastructure. In fact, it suggests that no new mineral extraction agreements should be made by the government without first conducting a public comprehensive analysis of the quantity and amount of the resources to be exploited.

“We’ve had a system that was not set up for a rapidly growing economy that would be prosperous, it was a system set up to ensure we have a quite country where resources could be extracted with us saying very little,” said McLeod. “The exploitation of these resources could continue to have dangerous consequences if they are not managed well. You could have an already unequal society become more unequal as the benefits accrue to only a small section of the population.”

The recommendations give specific attention to women, who continue to be under represented in politics and other positions of power. These include a mandatory 30 percent representation of women in political office, a review of Sierra Leone’s 1991 constitution, and the creation of an autonomous “Women’s Commission” in government.

“Women in Sierra Leone suffer from low literacy, low status, sexual exploitation and harassment,” said Nasu Fofana, the United Nations Population Fund programme manager for Gender and Advocacy in Sierra Leone. “Women are one of the core natural resources we have as a country, but we do not have the capacity to address issues that deal specifically with women and girls.”

This communiqué advocates the creation of a “citizen’s committee,” headed by the President of the Republic. Questions have been raised by the opposition Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), suggesting that this is a political tool for President Ernest Bai Koroma and the ruling All People’s Congress (APC). Though elections will not be held until November 2012, several violent clashes between supporters of the APC and opposition SLPP have already left some feeling like the country is at risk of being divided along partisan lines.

“The conference was a venture worth taking, but we have to have all political parties vet the documents, give their input and sign off on them,” said Thomas Babadi, who works for the Forum of Sierra Leonean Youth Network. “This should be a people’s manifesto that neither political parties nor elected representatives deviate from.”

McLeod insists that while governments have a responsibility to work in the best interest of the people, changes that lead to development will have to come from the citizens themselves.

“We have blamed politicians but we should have been blaming ourselves,” said McLeod. “This is not a recommendation for the government; this is for the people of Sierra Leone.”

From here, organisers say a draft of the communiqué will be finalised before being submitted to parliament, where an implementation strategy can be put in place. This, however, is not an aspect that has yet been addressed in these recommendations.

“Everything they’ve said is good on paper, but I’m not sure of the effectiveness of this conference,” said Hawanatu Sheriff, an 18-year-old secondary school student who attended the conference as the winner of a national essay-writing competition. “If we want to change in this country we all have to change our attitude and be accountable for everything we do.”

Excerpt:

Zhang Daliu, 46, a carpenter from China never imagined himself in the dreadful confines of a stinking and overcrowded Zambian jail where conditions are so terrible that they lead to gastronomic disorders and skin diseases within days of confinement.

A copper mine in Zambia. When Luanshya’s copper mine closed in 2000 more than 6,000 people lost their jobs, triggering massive poverty. Credit: Blue Salo/Wikicommons

But that is how the dice has fallen for Zhang and three other expatriate Chinese artisans: Hong Pin Liu, 46, a carpenter; Yang Gang Qiang, 36, a welder; and Zhu Xiang, 51, a bricklayer.

The four men are facing a possible life imprisonment should they be convicted of indecent assault and sex with a minor, after charges were brought against them by prosecutors in Luanshya, a town on the southern fringes of Zambia’s mineral-rich Copperbelt Province. Each charge carries a minimum jail term of 15 years with hard labour, with a maximum life sentence.

The four men are accused of having sex with young girls under the age of 16, the legal age of consent in Zambia, in exchange for money.

This sex scandal has started a heated debate in this Southern African country, with some accusing the girls of bringing shame on Zambians by turning to prostitution at such an early age.

Others feel that the problems of poverty and desperation prevalent in Luanshya, which forced the young girls into prostitution, first began during the corrupt regime of former President Frederick Chiluba. Chiluba sold Luanshya’s copper mine in 1997 to the Indian Binani Industries for just 35 million dollars during the privatisation of the country’s mines.

Barely three years after the sale, it fell under receivership and more than 6,000 miners lost their jobs. This triggered massive poverty and hardship in Luanshya, and for the next six years few could afford to feed themselves and their families.

In 2009, when China Non-Ferrous Metals Mining Group acquired the mine, many of those in Luanshya were living in dire poverty. While the sale of the mine meant that there would be jobs again, it also led to the influx of Chinese workers.

The Chinese mine workers, contracted by the Luanshya Copper Mine to revive the former Roan Antelope Mining Corporation (Zambia) copper mine and developing the new Muliashi opencast copper mine, landed in Zambia with a contingent of 270 men, and no women.

Zambia is home to more than 80,000 Chinese of an estimated population of 925,000 Chinese now living and working in Africa, the majority of whom are men working in various jobs in urban and rural areas. In these tough economic times the Chinese here became seen as the only ones with money to spend.

Mary Mumba is a housewife who has lived for more than 20 years in Roan Township, the sprawling high-density mine suburb in Luanshya. She has witnessed the degenerated of the town into a haven for prostitutes, copper thieves and drunken layabouts.

She understands why the young girls offered the men sex in exchange for money.

“Many families here are poor and they will usually go for days without a meal. As parents living in poverty we understand why these girls went so far as to give in to the Chinese. They are the only people with real money in this town,” Mumba complained.

Another resident, Rhoyda Musonda, blamed poverty and the girls’ parents for the scandal.

“We are to blame. These girls were not forced by the Chinese to have sex with them. But as parents I am sure they saw (the girls buy) unusual things, which they could not afford. This should have warned them,” she said.

But Gift Mulenga, a miner in the town, is indifferent about the scandal. He said that here most poverty- stricken young women and girls prostitute themselves to men who have money to spend, regardless of nationality.

“The Chinese just happened to be men of a wrong nationality, that is all,” Mulenga scoffed.

And Mulenga may seem to be right. The rape of minors has increased in Zambia in recent years and mostly Zambian men have been charged with crimes.

Policemen at the Zambia Police Service’s Victim Support Unit said that the rape of minors has increased from 1,676 in 2009 to 2,028 in 2010.

Perpetrators include Zambian teachers, farmers, traditional medicine men and even policemen themselves.

Last year three teachers were suspended from the Ndola Girls’ Technical High School, in Copperbelt Province, for having sex with their underage pupils. In the northern district of Milenge, in Luapula Province, a 75-year-old man was charged with raping an eight-year-old girl.

The increased number of cases has led the umbrella grouping for gender activists in Zambia, the Non- Governmental Organizations Coordinating Council (NGOCC), to call for a national consultative meeting later this year.

Engwase Mwale, executive director of NGOCC, says the meeting will map out new strategies on how to tackle the problem.

“It is not good news at all. That is why we want to meet with our members and work out ways of controlling these cases,” she said. She would not speculate on the reasons for the increased number of cases.

For most Ugandan women, obtaining a commercial loan to start a business has been very difficult. Many do not have the required collateral of land title deeds and many cannot afford the interest rates charged by commercial banks.

Dorothy Kabajungu, 50, has started a firewood business after obtaining a loan from a women’s bank. Credit: Wambi Michael

But six women-led rural banks have begun changing the lives of women in rural Uganda, easing their access to credit and enabling them to start small businesses and improve their food security.

About 20 kilometres from the Ugandan capital, Kampala, is Wakiso. Here the African Women Food Farmer Initiative, a cooperative savings and credit society, is one of the six rural banks run by women. It has over 1,600 savers and borrowers and is supported by the Hunger Project, an international organisation promoting sustainable end to hunger.

“It is a unique bank because it is run by women and it supports women, especially those engaged in agriculture. We mobilise women and encourage them to fight hunger and poverty by saving as well as accessing small loans,” said Rose Nanyonga, the bank manager.

Nanyoga explained that unlike commercial banks, this village bank is owned by women who have a stake in its growth.

“Our members buy shares in the bank. So they own it. And they get dividends at the end of every year,” said Nanyonga. All seven of the bank’s board members are also women.

The bank does not merely provide clients with access to credit. Outside the banking hall agricultural input, lanterns and even solar panels are available for sale to the bank’s clients.

Joel Komakec, a project officer from the Hunger Project, told IPS that they want to ensure that the bank’s borrowers buy the right seed and equipment with the money loaned to them.

“With the current energy crisis in the country everyone is rushing to buy solar panels. But the chances are that a borrower will access a loan only to buy a substandard one. So we make sure they get the right one,” said Komakec.

Daisy Owomugasho, the Hunger Project Director in Uganda, told IPS that the village bank microfinance programme is part of a strategy being promoted in Uganda and eight other African countries.

“So the credit they get in the form of microfinance is supposed to help communities either grow food, or access inputs, or improved seed or any other thing that they might need. We look at it as a holistic approach to ending people’s hunger and poverty,” said Owomugasho.

Owomugasho said men were also free borrow from the bank.

She said communities are trained how to effectively manage and use credit in order to escape poverty.

“But we realised that to empower women they also have to be in charge of credit. They are taught book- keeping skills, banking skills and they are able to manage the rural banks themselves,” said Owomugasho.

She said all the six banks are not only making a profit, but have had a high rate of loan repayments because their members feel that they own the banks.

Fourteen kilometres away from Wakiso is a blue metal kiosk that provides banking services to the rural areas around Kikandwa Parish and beyond.

It is run by Aisha Nansuna, who collects the daily deposits and facilitates withdrawals from clients who cannot travel to the main branch.

Nansuna told IPS that the location of the kiosk has helped instil a culture of savings among rural women in Wakiso. “You see women bringing even the smallest amount of money for saving because the bank is near,” she said.

Nansuna is also a beneficiary of the rural bank. Behind the kiosk is her well-stocked medicine shop.

“I have benefited a lot from our bank,” she said, “I started with a loan for poultry, then I later applied for 1,500 dollars, which I used to establish this drug shop.” With the money she makes from her business she has been able to send one of her children to university.

Dorothy Kabajungu, 50, is another beneficiary. She told IPS rural banks have lower interest rates compared to commercial banks.

“We are now paying 20 percent interest and they give us a period of 10 months to repay that amount. But I’m told the other banks are charging over 30 percent for loans,” she said.

“This bank is very good because it is our own bank. We, the villagers, we like it very much because we are not put under too much pressure to repay loans,” she said.

Kabajubgu began with a 125-dollar loan, which she invested in poultry. Once it was repaid, she was given access to a larger loan of 500 dollars, which she has invested in poultry, but it also using to start a firewood business.

“I have just taken on the firewood business because charcoal is very expensive and there is demand for firewood,” she said explaining that through the skills training she was taught to identify and follow a need.

Kabajungu told IPS that through the training she has learnt how to survive even amid hard economic times.

A campaign to stop people buying merchandise from street vendors is gaining momentum in Malawi’s main cities of Lilongwe, Blantyre and Mzuzu after the small-scale traders went on a rampage undressing women and girls wearing trousers, leggings, shorts and mini-skirts.

Vice President Joyce Banda (r) and Minister of Gender Reen Kachere (l) at a meeting to condemn the abuse of women by the vendors. Credit: Claire Ngozo/IPS

Street vendors occupy the pavements and street corners in the busiest parts of the country’s major cities and towns. Here they sell everything from clothing to electronic items to food and groceries. But when the vendors in Lilongwe began rioting last week in protest against their forced removal by the local city council, things took a turn for the worse as vendors began stripping women and physically assaulting them.

Dubbed “lero nkugule, mawa undivule,” which is vernacular Chichewa and translates into “today I buy from you, tomorrow you undress me”, the campaign was initiated on Jan. 18, the day after the assaults. Women activists want to use the campaign to teach the vendors a lesson on respecting women, according to Seodi White, executive director of the influential women rights organisation, Women in Law in Southern Africa-Malawi.

White told IPS that the call to boycott the vendors is also being extended to men who also want to protest against their conduct.

“We want to send a clear message that we don’t want to go back to the past when we did not have freedom of dressing,” said White.

Malawi was under a dictatorship until 1994 when it adopted democratic rule. During that time, however, women were banned from wearing shorts, mini-skirts and trousers. But the vendors now claim that they want to reinstitute this dress code and “bring back sanity among women.”

Recently, the street vendors have become a powerful force politically; in August last year the country’s President Bingu wa Mutharika provided them with an undisclosed sum of money to use as a revolving loan fund.

Mutharika also wined and dined up to 2,000 vendors at his flamboyant palace soon after the Jul. 20 to 21 nationwide protests against bad governance and the declining economic situation in the country. Up to 21 people were killed by police and 275 were arrested during the protests and looting, in which the vendors actively participated.

During the dinner, Mutharika rallied support from the merchants and asked them not to participate in any demonstrations again. He promised that he would never remove them from the streets.

But on Jan. 5, the Lilongwe City Assembly, the capital city council, attempted to remove the vendors from the streets into existing designated areas. The traders rioted and overwhelmed the police who tried to quell the fracas, which saw businesses closing down for a day. The Malawi Army had to be called in to disperse the vendors who went back to trading on the streets the next day.

Tensions continued to run high and on Jan. 17 the vendors turned against women and girls claiming that Mutharika had sent them to “clean the streets of women dressed inappropriately.”

Joyce Ngwira, one of the many women who were stripped naked as she walked in Lilongwe Old Town, told IPS that she is still traumatised following the ordeal.

“I was wearing my decent pair of trousers only to see a group of vendors pouncing on me. They pulled me in different directions and tore off my clothes. It took a group of other passers-by to rescue me,” she said.

The conduct of the vendors quickly spread to the country’s other main cities of Blantyre and Mzuzu. Since then many women have changed their way of dressing and have begun wearing conservative long skirts and dresses when going to work and to the shops.

Since last Wednesday, armed police have been patrolling the streets to protect the women and girls and 15 people have since been arrested, according to police spokesperson Dave Chingwalu.

“The men found causing trouble for women have been charged with violence and malicious damage” said Chingwalu. “We will not just watch women being harassed; there’s freedom of dressing in this country and no one has a right to dictate how women dress.”

Meanwhile, women activists and human rights defenders held a protest meeting in Blantyre on Jan. 20 where a cross section of people, including the country’s female Vice President Joyce Banda, the Minister of Gender Reen Kachere and other politicians, gathered to condemn the abuse of women by the vendors.

When the attacks started Banda had told the local media that economic frustrations should be blamed for the ill conduct of the vendors. “There is so much suffering that people have decided to vent their frustrations on each other,” she said.

Malawi continues to reel under severe economic problems after the country’s major donors cut aid to the country last year. Up to 40 percent of Malawi’s national budget has been dependent on donors and 80 percent of the country’s development budget was being provided under the Common Approach to Budget Support, which includes Britain, Germany, the African Development Bank, Norway, the European Union and the World Bank. The British and German governments are already refusing to release up to 400 million dollars.

The Millennium Challenge Corporation, a United States government foreign aid agency leading the fight against global poverty, also announced last year that it was putting on hold 350.7 million dollars meant to improve Malawi’s energy sector.

Meanwhile, the vendors have already noted a decline in sales following the boycott, according to Ganizo Makupa, general secretary for vendors in Blantyre.

“There are just a few unruly people who are undressing women and denting the name of vendors. We are very sorry about this behaviour and we are looking at ways of instilling discipline among our group,” said Makupa.

The August 2012 elections in Kenya will open doors to massive political participation by women for the first time ever.

Water Minister Charity Ngilu was the first woman to run for the presidency in Kenya, in 1997. Credit: Protus Onyango/IPS

The new constitution in effect since August 2010 contains a provision that should radically change political representation for women in this East African country.

Women’s rights activists in Kenya are confident that as a result of constitutional Article 81 (b), which states that “not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies shall be of the same gender,” their problems of under-representation in key government bodies will become a thing of the past.

Kenya is a patriarchal society where women only gained equal rights to inherit land when the new constitution entered into force. And women who speak out are often seen as social misfits.

For example, when the late Prof Wangari Maathai opposed the construction of a 60-story building in Nairobi’s Uhuru Park, senior male political leaders of the government of then president Daniel arap Moi called her a madwoman.

But a radical change is in store, because now women must form one-third of any elective public body.

And the principle of two-thirds gender equilibrium has already been implemented in some key appointments made since the new constitution was promulgated. In all the commissions and other constitutional offices that have been formed, the rule has been followed.

For the first time in Kenya’s 48 years of independence, one-third of the members of the Supreme Court, the commission on revenue allocation, the commission for the implementation of the constitution and the salaries and remuneration commission are now women.

But the real windfall will come with the August general elections.

In the new constitution, Kenya adopted a devolved government made up of the national and county governments. And instead of a 224-member single-chamber National Assembly, there will be a National Assembly as well as a Senate representing the 47 counties into which the country has been divided. There will also be a County Assembly.

In the National Assembly, where there are currently 210 popularly elected members, 12 members nominated by the parties, and the attorney-general and house speaker as ex-officio members, there will be 290 elected members, 47 female county representatives, and 12 nominated members, bringing the total to 349.

And the new Senate will be made up of one person elected from each county, as well as 21 nominated members, including at least 16 women; two members representing young people – a woman and a man; two members representing people with disabilities – again a woman and a man; and a speaker.

The 47 representatives of the counties are elected members and can be either men or women, while the nominated members are picked by their parties.

The constitution commits political parties to ensure that for every three party members presented to vie for political office, one must be a woman. And if she fails to be elected, a woman must be nominated by the party.

Women currently hold fewer than 10 percent of the seats in parliament, with just 22 women out of 224 members – although that is the largest number ever. And in the cabinet, there are only six women out of a total of 40 ministers.

Meeting the one-third goal easier said than done

A proposed amendment drafted by Justice Minister Mutula Kilonzo offers a formula to be adopted if the elections fail to yield the requisite number of women to ensure that not more than two-thirds of the members of parliament are men, as stipulated by Article 81 (b) of the constitution.

If not enough women are elected and nominated, the bill proposes increasing the number of legislators from 349 to 449 in the National Assembly, and from 67 to 90 in the Senate.

Thus, Kenyan taxpayers would end up paying more, in order to fulfil the gender rule, if the elections fail to yield 100 women plus the 47 who must be nominated to represent the counties.

Minister Kilonzo says money is not on his mind now. “If Kenyans don’t want to spend extra money, they should vote in 100 women during the elections, which will add to the 18 who will be in the Senate and 47 who will be automatically elected to represent the counties. If not, we shall have to work with this temporary measure to top up (the number of) women.”

Welcomed by women

Many women leaders, both in government and civil society, are happy with the constitutional provisions.

“We have been called names and struggled to make a mark in this male-dominated society, but now it is upon us to come out in large numbers and vote in women leaders because we have suffered a lot. After all, we are the majority,” says Water Minister Charity Ngilu, the first woman to run for the presidency in Kenya, in 1997. She emerged sixth, behind five men.

MP Martha Karua, who is vying for the presidency this year, shares Ngilu’s sentiments. “Women understand the problems in this country, they are not corrupt and they want to change the way Kenya is governed. The constitution is our stepping stone; let us use it to bring prosperity to our beloved country,” she told IPS.

Former MP Paul Muite, a prominent Nairobi lawyer who is also gunning for the presidency, welcomes the provision but is worried that men might now find themselves in a similar situation of under-representation.

“Given the history of this country, women might vote in very many of their own to outnumber the men. But we shall apply the same law if that happens. But for now, let us do what the law says, because that is the price for democracy,” Muite told IPS.

Priscilla Nyokabi, the director of the Kituo Cha Sheria (Centre for Legal Empowerment), is urging other civil society activists to be vigilant and make sure that the government follows the new law. “This will bring development to all Kenyans because men are selfish and only think about themselves,” she told IPS.

And Rael Masimba, a divorced woman who lives on the streets of Nairobi, is planning to go home and sue her cousins for her father’s land, which she had been denied when her parents died because she is a woman and was married at the time.

Under a new gender quota law introduced in Mauritius, at least one-third of the candidates in local elections must be women. But the adoption of a national quota is not yet on the horizon, even though just 18 percent of legislators are women and there are only two female cabinet ministers.

Women participating in a WIP political training session. Credit: Nasseem Ackbarally/IPS

The next local elections are due by April in the five towns and 108 villages in this Indian Ocean island nation of 1.3 million people, located 2,400 km off the southeast coast of Africa.

Town and village councillors are elected every five years. They mainly look after the smooth running of their areas as far as services like garbage collection and road infrastructure are concerned. They are also tasked with taking care of the environment and organising cultural, leisure and sports activities for the local population.

Prime Minister Navinchandra Ramgoolam said the introduction of a quota was a legitimate right for women and a big step towards equality between men and women. “We must ensure that the number of women candidates rises considerably,” he said in his televised New Year address.

Three foreign constitutional experts – Professors Guy Carcassonne of the Sorbonne in France, Vernon Bogdanoret of Oxford University in the UK, and Pere Vilanova of the University of Barcelona in Spain – have submitted a report on these issues to Ramgoolam.

During debates in parliament in December, the prime minister was asked by the opposition about extending the gender quota to the national level.

“Let us wait for the report by Prof Carcassone and study the whole system before taking a decision,” he replied, giving the impression that he is not in a hurry to change the system. The next national elections are not due until 2015.

Mauritius is currently engaged in a process of reforming its British-style electoral system, in force on the island since its independence in 1968. The “first past the post” proportional representation, best-loser system for the participation of minorities and women is being scrutinised.

Presently, only 6.4 percent of all village and town councillors are women. And in parliament, only 18.6 percent (13 out of 70 members) are women, since the 2010 elections. Furthermore, there are only two women cabinet ministers out of a total of 25.

One of the eight United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) adopted by the world’s governments in 2000, with a 2015 deadline, is to promote gender equality and empower women. And one of the specific targets under the goal is to increase the proportion of seats held by women in national parliament.

Another international commitment along these lines is the South African Development Community (SADC) Gender Protocol, which calls for 50/50 representation of women in all areas of decision-making by 2015. But the Mauritian government has not yet signed the Protocol.

Women celebrate the new quota

Women’s organisations welcomed the new quota law, which will allow for a substantial increase in the number of women in local politics. Up to now, parties have generally filed few women as candidates in elections.

Ameenah Sorefan, a member of Women in Networking (WIN), the leading women’s network in Mauritius, says it will be difficult to reach 50/50 representation as prescribed by the SADC.

But, she told IPS, “We feel more women will now take part in local elections and be elected. We are ready to start our campaign to get more of them in local government for the next elections. I am sure the population wants to see more women in politics.”

Many women are taking political training courses by Women in Politics (WIP), another NGO working to promote equality between women and men, encourage the emergence of women leaders in all spheres of society, and increase the number of women in politics.

Bernadette Jhowry, a social worker who was among the first 215 women to go through the training, is ambitious and eager to run for local office.

“Nobody has so far recognised my capacity. Men always ask us to organise public meetings and bring the people, but they never see my potential as a candidate,” she says.

But “we cannot move forward without (women),” Jhowry told IPS.

Another trainee, Mirella Arjoon, always thought that politics was men’s territory, and that women’s place was at home. “The world is changing, so we should also change. But we should first learn the political job correctly,” she says.

About 1,300 women are expected to take part in the upcoming local elections in towns and villages. According to Nushrat Gunnoo, a member of WIP, a good number of women have been trained in politics.

“Parties can no longer say there are not enough women candidates. They have always used the services of a pool of women as activists. It’s time for them to take from there,” she said.

Not everyone supports the new law

But not everybody is happy about the quota for women.

Haniff Peerun, chairman of the Mauritius Labour Congress, the largest trade-union movement in the island, begs to disagree.

“Do women need a locomotive to carry them to the top? I don’t think so. They can make it on their own,” he told IPS, arguing that even women in his organisation are against such a move.

Peerun believes women are competent and can win elections on their own: “Why can’t they create a political party for women only? Why should they include some men in their party as suggested by the new legislation?”

He is convinced that the quota system shows that men still consider women to be weak. Lawyer Vishwanee Boodhonee, a candidate in the 2010 general elections, agrees.

“This is contrary to the concept of equal opportunity. Where is the need for enacting an Equal Opportunity Act if there is to be a quota for women? How can we then speak of gender equality?” she asks.

Rajiv Kumar Bundhun, a village councillor from Amaury in northern Mauritius, welcomes more women in local government but is sceptic about their performance “in this tough world of politics.”

“Many men run away from the field once they are elected and are unable to satisfy the needs of the population and sort out their daily problems in towns and villages. How can women perform under insults from the people when things do not work properly in their area? How many of their husbands will accept their wives getting insulted because of politics?” he asks.

Bundhun adds that it is more challenging for women to balance their professional lives, political commitments and family obligations.

Kashmira Banee from Rezistans ek Alternativ, a political movement, agrees. She says this is so because women work irregular hours, mostly in the manufacturing sector, while those who are in the public service are barred from active politics.

However, Banee welcomed the quota, because it creates more space for women to enter politics and allows them to express their ideas and contribute to social and political life on the island. “But a quota is not the end if the woman politician is unable to defend women’s rights and also to contribute towards the building of a better society,” she adds.

Mauritian women have won a first battle in securing a quota that can help increase their numbers in politics. But the most important is yet to come: more seats in parliament, where ministers, prime ministers and opposition leaders are forged.

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