A farmer pours cow dung into the biodigester to be converted into energy. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
ZOUNGOU, Burkina Faso, Jul 18 2025 (IPS)

In the heart of Burkina Faso’s drylands, in the village of Zoungou, a quiet transformation is underway. Alhaji Birba Issa, a smallholder onion farmer, bends over neat rows of lush green crops, the hum of solar-powered pumps audible in the background.

“This land used to sleep during the dry season,” he says, dusting soil from his hands. “Our diesel pump would break down. Crops died. But now, we farm all year.”

Issa leads one of 89 farmer cooperatives participating in the Renewable Energy for Agriculture and Livelihoods (REAL BF) programme, which is equipping smallholder farmers, especially women and youth, with clean energy technologies that are reshaping agricultural productivity and dignity across Burkina Faso’s drought-prone regions.

When Energy Meets Agriculture

Burkina Faso faces some of the highest levels of climate vulnerability in the world. Over 80 percent of its population depends on rain-fed agriculture, which has become increasingly unreliable due to erratic rainfall and rising temperatures.

In response, the REAL BF program—implemented by Practical Action with support from multiple development partners—has taken a holistic approach. It connects off-grid solar systems, biodigesters, and energy-efficient processing technologies to smallholder farming, helping communities extend their farming seasons, preserve harvests, and reduce reliance on polluting fuels.

By July 2024, the programme had reached 15,937 smallholder farmers, more than 80 percent of them women, and achieved 82 percent activity completion and 90 percent budget execution.

“These are not drop-and-go technologies,” says Issouf Ouédraogo, Practical Action’s West Africa Regional Director. “We co-designed the solutions with farmers, supported them to organize in cooperatives, and trained them to manage the systems. The results are community-owned, and that’s why it’s working.”

Fields that Grow Beyond Rain

In places like Komki Ipala, solar-powered irrigation now reaches 115 hectares of farmland. Farmers grow vegetables, rice, legumes, and onions throughout the year—no longer limited to the short rainy season.

“Before, we farmed three months,” says Aminata Zangre, a cooperative leader in Zoungou. “Now we plan for eight. My children eat better. We sell the surplus. And we use cow dung to generate energy. It’s like turning waste into hope.”

Zangre’s cooperative uses biodigesters to turn livestock waste into biogas and compost, reducing deforestation and creating a sustainable cycle of cooking fuel and organic fertilizer.

In Gon-Boussougou, Molle Nossira supervises a fish processing cooperative that once struggled with spoilage and smoke. “The fish used to go bad before midday. Now we use energy-efficient ovens and solar cold rooms,” she says. “Our fish stays fresh. We sell at better prices. We even sell cold drinks, which attract more customers.”

Quantifying the Impact

The numbers tell a compelling story:

• 180 MWh of clean energy is generated annually by the systems installed.
• 148 tonnes of compost and 1,268 kg of butane-equivalent biogas are produced yearly.
• 722 tonnes of firewood saved per year, helping preserve 135 hectares of forest.
• An estimated 1,437 tonnes of CO₂ emissions are avoided annually.
• Each smallholder farmer has seen a minimum income increase of 50,000 CFA francs (around USD 80) annually—often more.

“Food security has improved. Post-harvest losses are down. Women no longer spend hours collecting firewood,” says Farid Sawadogo, a field coordinator with Practical Action. “We see resilience growing in very real ways.”

Women in the Lead

While energy infrastructure is often seen as a male domain, this programme has turned that perception on its head.

In Koulpelé, Awa Convolbo leads a women’s cooperative focused on shea butter processing. “We used to work entirely with firewood, which was exhausting and harmful,” she recalls. “Now we use improved cookstoves and solar-powered water pumps. Our income has grown, and I’ve been able to support my children’s education.”

Convolbo participated in a knowledge exchange visit to Rwanda and returned home inspired to restructure her cooperative’s finances. “Clean energy didn’t just change how we cook—it changed how we lead,” she says.

Youth Shaping the Future

Young people, too, have found new roles in their communities—maintaining solar systems, managing cooperative finances, and digitizing agricultural planning tools.

“Young people now see farming and energy as a future,” says Sawadogo. “They are staying in their villages, building careers, and bringing new ideas.”

To further support access to knowledge and resources, Practical Action launched the Yiriwali Platform, a multilingual digital tool where farmers can choose clean energy technologies, find technology providers, and connect with microfinance institutions. Available in French, Moore, Dioula, and Fulfulde, the platform strengthens ties between smallholder farmers, tech suppliers, and financiers.

Scaling Lessons Beyond Borders

The REAL BF programme aligns with the UN’s Local Climate Adaptive Living Facility (LoCAL) and supports the Sustainable Development Goals—particularly SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy), and SDG 13 (Climate Action).

With demonstrated success in rural Burkina Faso, the model is attracting interest from agencies like UNDP, FAO, and ECOWAS as a blueprint for scaling across the Sahel.

Practical Action hopes to expand the programme and deepen its impact through additional investment, particularly for the remaining cooperatives that could not yet be funded due to budget limitations.

“We’re showing that smallholder farmers aren’t victims of climate change,” says Ouédraogo. “They’re agents of climate resilience—when they have the right tools and power.”

Farming with Dignity

Back in Zoungou, Birba Issa reflects on the change he has seen in his community: children returning to school, women leading cooperatives, and farmers planning not just for the season but for the future.

“We’ve turned drylands into green fields,” he says. “And we farm with dignity.”

As the sun sets over the Sahel, these solar-powered communities are not just surviving—they are showing the rest of the region how to thrive.

Turkana women recover with white bandages over their eyes after undergoing surgery to treat trachoma, the world's leading cause of blindness. Efforts like these are crucial in preventing the spread of this debilitating disease in vulnerable communities. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
ELANKATA ENTERIT, Kenya, Nov 13 2024 (IPS)

Draped in the vibrant red of his Maasai shuka, 52-year-old Rumosiroi Ole Mpoke sits cross-legged on a worn cowhide mat outside his hut, his face etched with a sorrow deeper than the lines of age. His once-sharp eyes, now clouded by trachoma, can barely make out the shadows of the cattle he once tended with pride.

“I should have done something when I still could see,” he says quietly, his voice thick with regret. “Now, I am useless with my livestock, and my children must guide me around our land. I can no longer provide for them as a father should.”

In Elankata Enterit, Narok County, a remote village tucked 93 miles northwest of Nairobi, Rumosiroi has been stripped not only of his sight but of his role as a provider, now trapped in a cycle of poverty and dependence that gnaws at his spirit.

The Maasai, known for their resilience and deep bond with the land, are among Kenya’s pastoralist communities, particularly vulnerable to trachoma. The dusty, arid environment they inhabit fosters this infectious disease, which tightens its grip on communities already cut off from adequate healthcare services. The World Health Organization’s (WHO) Sightsavers, and Kenya’s Ministry of Health are working to tackle the disease, but for communities like Rumosiroi’s, the struggle is unrelenting.

Pascal, a Community Drug Distributor (CDD), hands azithromycin tablets to a woman identified as Abedi during a Mass Drug Administration (MDA) in Kajaido, near the Kenyan-Tanzania border. Credit: Sightsavers/Samuel Otieno

In Kenya’s harsh, sun-baked lands of Kenya’s Rift Valley and the north, where water sources are scarce and sanitation is poor, trachoma—a neglected tropical disease caused by Chlamydia trachomatis—leads to chronic suffering and blindness, affecting pastoralist communities who rely on livestock for survival. Addressing trachoma is essential to achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, specifically SDG 3, which aims to provide universal health coverage, including access to quality healthcare and affordable medicines.

Elsewhere, at Chemolingot Hospital in East Pokot, Baringo County, a group of elderly women sits in the courtyard, not for medical care but to collect relief food distributed by the county government. Six frail figures lean heavily on walking sticks, guided by young boys to the right spot. Each woman is blind, their sight stolen by trachoma. With red, swollen eyes, they rub incessantly, trying to ease the relentless pain that marks their faces with lines of resignation and fatigue.

“They’ve given me so much eye ointment,” mutters Kakaria Malimtich, her voice tired and defeated. “I don’t even care about treatment anymore—now, it’s just about getting food.”

Malimtich, like many here, has lost her battle with trachoma, which afflicts 1.9 million people globally, primarily in poor regions. In the arid lands of Baringo, people battle blindness along with hunger, poverty, and a lack of basic resources.

Julius, a Community Drug Distributor (CDD), educates two women about trachoma and encourages them to take the treatment during a Mass Drug Administration (MDA) in Kajaido, near the Kenyan-Tanzania border. Credit:Sightsavers/Samuel Otieno

Cheposukut Lokdap, a 68-year-old resident of Chemolingot, sits nearby, rubbing her eyes to relieve the sharp stinging pain. “It feels like something is cutting into me,” she whispers, half to herself, half to anyone who’ll listen. Two years ago, her remaining vision faded, plunging her into “the dark world.” She remembers that day vividly—the eye she’d relied on to see the sun and shadows finally failed.

Trachoma is prevalent across Kenya, particularly in pastoralist regions like Turkana, Marsabit, Narok, and Wajir. According to WHO, it’s the leading infectious cause of blindness worldwide, yet it remains underfunded and largely overlooked. The disease thrives in communities with limited access to clean water and healthcare—conditions common among pastoralists.

According to April 2024 data from the World Health Organization, approximately 103 million people live in areas endemic to trachoma and are at risk of blindness from the disease.

“Here in Marsabit, clean water is a luxury, not a right,” says 40-year-old Naitore Lekan, whose husband is a cattle herder. “Our children suffer from eye infections all the time, and there’s no proper clinic to take them to. Sometimes we use herbs or hope it heals on its own, but it often doesn’t.” Naitore’s experience highlights broader issues in pastoralist communities, where traditional beliefs and lack of awareness hinder effective treatment and prevention.

She recounts her family’s struggle with trachoma. “My daughter, Aisha, started losing her sight last year. We thought it was just a simple eye infection, but at the clinic, they told us it was trachoma. They gave her antibiotics, but we couldn’t return for follow-up because the clinic is too far and we can’t afford transport.” For families like Naitore’s, the distance to healthcare centers and financial constraints make trachoma treatment challenging.

In Marsabit, community health worker Hassan Diba is determined to fight trachoma. “Awareness is key,” he says. “I travel to different homesteads, teaching families about trachoma, its causes, and prevention. But I can only reach so many people. We need more resources and support to tackle this issue on a larger scale.”

Trachoma’s impact goes beyond health; it disrupts pastoralist families’ economic stability. “When someone in the family is sick, everything stops,” says Rumosiroi. “I can’t go to graze the animals, and if our livestock aren’t healthy, we can’t sell them. Then we can’t buy food or pay school fees.” According to WHO, the economic burden of trachoma deepens poverty, as families divert resources to medical expenses.

Kenya’s health system faces major challenges, particularly in remote pastoralist areas. The government’s commitment to universal health coverage is commendable, yet implementation lags in regions where access to health services is hindered by geography and infrastructure.

Pascal, a Community Drug Distributor (CDD), measures 3-year-old Praygod’s height to determine the correct dose of azithromycin syrup during a Mass Drug Administration (MDA) in Kajaido, near the Kenyan-Tanzania border. Credit: Sightsavers/Samuel Otieno

“Most health facilities here are understaffed and under-resourced,” says Dr. Wanjiru Kuria, a public health official in Marsabit. “We need to prioritize funding for preventive measures like clean water and sanitation and train health workers to manage trachoma cases. Without these basics, the fight against trachoma won’t succeed.”

Moses Chege, Director of Sightsavers Kenya, explains that “trachoma disproportionately affects the poorest communities, and eliminating it has profound benefits for individuals and their broader communities.” He adds, “Kenya has made significant strides in the fight against trachoma, which is transforming lives—allowing more children to attend school and more adults to work and support their families.”

“The challenge to eliminate trachoma in Kenya is immense—over 1.1 million people remain at risk,” he told IPS. “Keeping hands and faces clean is essential to prevent the spread, but it’s difficult to maintain good hygiene when communities lack access to clean water. For nomadic groups like the Maasai, reaching them with consistent health services is challenging. There’s also a cultural aspect—some Maasai see the presence of houseflies as a sign of wealth and prosperous livestock. However, these flies carry the bacteria that cause trachoma.”

According to Moses Chege, Kenya has the potential to eliminate trachoma through strategic, evidence-based investments and urgent action, joining the ranks of 21 other countries that have already eradicated the disease. Since 2010, Sightsavers Kenya has been a strong partner to the Ministry of Health, distributing over 13 million trachoma treatments, including 1.6 million treatments in 2022 alone to protect Kenyans from the disease.

The recent launch of Kenya’s Neglected Tropical Disease (NTD) master plan by the Ministry of Health is also expected to accelerate efforts in preventing, eradicating, eliminating, and controlling trachoma and other NTDs across the country.

Organizations like Sightsavers and the Ministry of Health have implemented programs to combat trachoma through mass drug administration and education campaigns. These efforts aim not only to treat the infected but also to promote hygiene practices to prevent the disease’s spread. “We’re seeing positive changes,” says Wanjiru. “When communities understand hygiene’s importance and have treatment access, they can break the cycle of trachoma. But it requires commitment from everyone.”

In 2022, Malawi became the first country in Southern Africa to eliminate trachoma, while Vanuatu achieved this milestone as the first Pacific Island nation.

As the world moves closer to the 2030 SDG deadline, addressing trachoma in pastoralist communities is essential for fulfilling the promise of health for all. It demands a multi-faceted approach combining community education, infrastructure development, and equitable healthcare access. For pastoralists like Naitore, Rumosiroi, and Malimtich, these interventions are not just a promise of restored health but a lifeline to a better future.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

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Sheba Ogalo and her husband harvest cassava on their farm in Chemelil. Facing harsh weather conditions, including drought, they have turned to cassava and other drought-resistant crops to sustain their livelihood. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
KITUI, Kenya , Oct 17 2024 (IPS)

Kenyan farmers have faced a turbulent year, caught between legislative changes and a devastating scandal. While the country’s Mung Bean Bill, aiming to regulate the lucrative mung bean industry, has moved to mediation, farmers are battling the fallout from the widespread distribution of counterfeit fertilizers that have jeopardized their crop yields and livelihoods.

The Mung Bean Bill is a response to the crop’s rising prominence in Kenya. Known locally as “Ndengu,” mung beans have gained traction due to their drought-resistant nature and high demand in both local and international markets. This legislation seeks to create a framework for stabilizing prices, standardizing quality, and ensuring fair trade practices. However, many farmers fear the bill will add to existing bureaucratic hurdles without addressing core issues such as the recent fertilizer scandal.

Among those affected is Lucy Mutuku, a smallholder farmer from Kibwezi, a semi-arid region in Eastern Kenya. With a weathered face and hands hardened by years of labor, Mutuku stands in her field, explaining her decision to venture into mung bean farming. “It was a diversification strategy,” she says, her voice carrying the resolve of someone who has seen many harvests. “Mung beans are drought-tolerant and using organic manure helps enhance soil fertility. Even with erratic rains, they provide a reliable source of protein for my family and surplus for the market.”

Mutuku’s journey took a dark turn when she became one of the many victims of the government’s subsidized fertilizer program. “Buying synthetic fertilizer has always been expensive,” she recounts, frustration lining her face. “When I heard about the government’s fair-priced option, I bought it quickly. But then I realized it was fake. My crops failed, and it’s disheartening because farming is my only income.”

The scandal’s impact has been widespread, with the Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service (KEPHIS) reporting that counterfeit fertilizers accounted for nearly 20 percent of agricultural inputs this season. This affected various crops, including mung beans, maize, and vegetables, devastating small-scale farmers who are now caught in a cycle of debt and uncertainty.

In Makueni County, Beatrice Mwangi, another farmer, invested heavily in mung beans, hoping for a lucrative harvest. With her eyes reflecting a mixture of hope and despair, she recalls the moment she realized the extent of the damage. “I was expecting a bumper harvest,” she says, “but my crops hardly grew. When the agricultural office confirmed the fertilizer was fake, it was a blow.” Now, like many others, she struggles to repay loans taken to purchase inputs, facing financial strain that threatens her family’s future.

Dominic Mbithi in Kitui, one of Kenya’s semi-arid lands, chose mung beans due to their low water requirements. Mbithi, a wiry man in his forties, employs zai pits, shallow basins that capture and conserve water. “This technique helps me maximize water use,” he says, crouching beside one of his pits, examining the soil. Despite the challenges, he’s managed to increase his yields and even engages in value addition by producing mung bean flour, which he sells to local schools and health centers.

Over in Taita Taveta, Joyce Mwikali transitioned from maize and sorghum to mung beans. A determined woman in her fifties, she walks through her sandy-soiled farm with a pride that belies the struggles she faces.

“Mung beans have a shorter growing season and thrive here,” she explains. Through rotational farming and compost use, Mwikali has managed to reduce her dependency on rain-fed agriculture. She now participates in a cooperative that helps with market access, ensuring better prices for her produce.

Michael Muriuki, farming on the eastern slopes of Mt. Kenya in Meru, utilizes drip irrigation to maintain a consistent water supply for his mung beans during dry spells. With a thoughtful demeanor, he shares how this extra income has enabled him to invest in better equipment. “Drip irrigation and integrated pest management have been game-changers for me,” he says, his gaze fixed on the neatly lined plants.

In Tharaka-Nithi, Lydia Njeri began growing mung beans to combat climate change’s effects on traditional crops. Using early planting and certified seeds, she has improved her household’s nutrition and found a reliable market for her surplus produce.

“Selling to processors who make mung bean products like noodles and flour gives me a steady income,” she notes, her expression softening as she describes the positive changes in her community.

Even though the National Assembly rejected the Mung Bill 2022, at the second reading stage proponents argue it could offer a regulatory framework to protect farmers from fraudulent agricultural inputs.

However, critics like Dr. John Mburu, an agricultural economist, caution that legislation alone is insufficient. “We need a comprehensive approach,” he emphasizes, “including stricter enforcement against counterfeit products, farmer education, and better quality control infrastructure.”

The bill will now proceed to mediation, according to the National Assembly.

The farmers’ stories underscore the deep-seated vulnerabilities within Kenya’s agricultural sector. While the Mung Bean Bill may offer a glimmer of hope, immediate action is required to strengthen regulatory oversight, enhance farmer awareness, and ensure the authenticity of agricultural inputs. The future of these farmers—and the nation’s food security—depends on it.

As the debate continues, the voices of farmers like Mutuku, Mwangi, Mbithi, Mwikali, Muriuki, and Njeri must guide the development of policies that truly support and protect Kenya’s agricultural community. Only then can such crises be prevented in the future.

The 2024 Mung Bean Congress, held in Bangkok, Thailand, brought together 110 stakeholders from 23 countries. This gathering was a platform for sharing current research and discussing future priorities, including studies supported by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR).

Dr. Eri Huttner, ACIAR’s Research Program Manager for crops, emphasized the significant potential impact of their investment in mung bean improvement research on partner countries, highlighting the crop’s growing global importance.

As the debate continues, the voices of the most affected—the farmers—mustn’t be overlooked. Their firsthand experiences and insights should be at the forefront of developing policies that truly support and protect Kenya’s agricultural community. This approach is essential to prevent such crises from reoccurring.

Back in 2013, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution proclaiming 2016 as the International Year of Pulses. The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) spearheaded this initiative, which significantly increased public awareness of pulses’ nutritional and environmental advantages while emphasizing their function in sustainable food production.

Building on the success of this celebration and recognizing the potential of pulses to achieve the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, Burkina Faso proposed the observance of World Pulse Day. Consequently, in 2019, the General Assembly proclaimed February 10 as World Pulse Day, further underscoring the vital role pulses play in global food security and sustainability.

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World Food Day 2024

Kenya is yet to ratify the UN's International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. Credit: IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Sep 2 2024 (IPS)

As the world marked International Day of the Disappeared, Kenya grapples with a shadowy and persistent crisis—enforced disappearances. This harrowing violation of human rights has left countless families in anguish, searching for their loved ones while battling a wall of government denial and indifference.

Enforced disappearance is addressed in international law, specifically the UN’s International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. However, Kenya has yet to ratify this crucial convention, leaving a legal void that exacerbates the problem.

According to Kevin Mwangi, a program officer with the Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU), the Kenyan government lacks a definition within national legislation, meaning Kenyans and civil society rely on UN international guidelines to hold authorities accountable.

One haunting instance occurred in 2021 when Kenya’s Yala River, once a peaceful and secluded area, became a site of horror. Over a few weeks, 26 bodies were discovered within a 50-meter stretch. The bodies, many male, were found far from where they had originally gone missing, most of whom were facing criminal charges.

Human rights activists were initially involved in the investigations, but they were soon pushed out by the police. Boniface Ogutu, one of the activists working on the case, told the press, “We found bodies with their hands tied with ropes. Some were wrapped in polythene bags. Many of the bodies showed signs of severe trauma, including scars similar to acid burns, and most appeared to have been tortured before being dumped into the water.”

Ogutu further reported that villagers had observed a black Subaru, often associated with security forces, speeding to the riverbank with four occupants who would hurriedly dispose of the bodies before driving away.

In the early 2010s, the Kenyan government granted sweeping powers to security agencies to combat terrorism, leading to a surge in kidnappings, torture, and extrajudicial killings, even for petty crimes.

Hit squads began targeting suspects, and during election seasons, when rallies and protests were frequent, reports of disappearances and killings skyrocketed. In 2021 alone, rights groups documented at least 170 extrajudicial killings and numerous disappearances attributed to the police.

One of the victims found in the Yala River was Philemon Chepkwony, a resident of Kipkelion in Kenya’s Rift Valley. He had been charged with car theft and was out on bail awaiting trial when he disappeared in December 2021.

“We are witnessing a disturbing trend of young people like Philemon disappearing without a trace, only to be found dead in rivers,” lamented Hillary Kosgey, the legislator for Kipkelion West, at Chepkwony’s burial. “No one has the right to take away these lives. If they are jailed, they can reform.”

In Kenya’s coastal counties like Mombasa, where much of the country’s Muslim population resides, young men have been recruited by terrorist groups, prompting the police to carry out frequent raids and profiling of these communities.

The recent discovery of mutilated bodies wrapped in polythene bags at an open quarry in Mukuru Kwa Njenga, one of Kenya’s slum residences, sparked public anger amid weeks of anti-government protests over a since-scrapped finance bill.

After assuming power, President William Ruto repeatedly stated in public rallies, there would be no cases of enforced disappearance or extrajudicial killings.

Mwangi outlines the chilling components of enforced disappearance: “It begins with the deprivation of the right to liberty, often without the victim’s consent or knowledge. This act is carried out by government officials, who then conceal or deny any knowledge of the person’s whereabouts.”

“Enforced disappearance is not a transient issue; it can span years, even decades. It is a permanent state of limbo for the victims and their families until the person is found,” Mwangi adds, stressing the long-lasting impact of such crimes.

The 2023 Missing Voices report indicated a slight reduction in extrajudicial killings between 2022 and 2023, from 130 to 118, and a decrease in enforced disappearances from 22 to 10.

“Men continue to be the primary victims, accounting for 94% of extrajudicial killings, with a notable concentration among men aged 19-35,” the report states.

In Africa, enforced disappearances, particularly in politically volatile regions, often occur within the context of state repression. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a stark example, where a massacre led to the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights holding the government accountable for acts of enforced disappearance.

“For enforced disappearance to occur, government officials must be involved, and the state must have full knowledge of the whereabouts of the missing individuals,” Mwangi clarifies.

In Kenya, the situation is dire. Mwangi recalls a case handled by IMLU where two individuals, after being released from court, were allegedly abducted by security officials. “To this day, the government denies knowing their whereabouts,” he laments, highlighting the pervasive culture of impunity.

The infamous River Yala incident serves as a grim reminder of the scale of the problem. Mwangi points to the systemic failure of the judiciary, where a revolving door of bail releases perpetuates the cycle of crime and violence.

“There is a growing narrative that the courts are not doing their work, leading police to take matters into their own hands,” he notes.

Despite the gravity of the situation, Kenya lacks specific legislation on enforced disappearance. The country has not ratified the international convention, leaving victims and their families without a clear path to justice.

“One life is one too many,” Mwangi says, referencing the 32 cases documented by the Missing Voices coalition. “We are currently developing guidelines to ensure that each African country has a policy on enforced disappearance. The numbers may be higher than reported, but only a few cases come to light.”

After Kenya’s 2007-2008 general elections, there were significant human rights violations, leading to the formation of the Ransley Taskforce to address police reforms. The task force made strong recommendations, including the need to separate these entities, as at the time, the police were the perpetrators, prosecutors, and investigators. This flawed system prevented justice from being realized and emphasized the need for mechanisms to ensure justice and accountability.

In 2017, Kenya enacted the Coroner Service Act, which provided a framework for forensic documentation at crime scenes. However, implementation has been problematic. For instance, in a 2018 case in Eldoret, a police officer handled a murder weapon with bare hands, compromising the evidence.

Currently, forensic evidence collection in Kenya is substandard, failing to meet the requirements necessary to hold up in court. Although the Coroner Law was assented to by the President in 2017, it has not been operationalized, largely due to a lack of political will.

“Kenya has a history of passing laws that are then shelved. When questioned, the government claims that the delay is due to funding issues, stating that funds need to be allocated to create the Coroner’s office,” Mwangi says.

Moreover, the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) lacks its forensic lab and must rely on the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI), which is part of the security forces. There is a pressing need for an independent forensic lab under IPOA to carry out forensic audits.

Despite these challenges, IPOA has succeeded in securing eight convictions in extrajudicial cases over the past 11 years. This entity was established to ensure accountability in such cases.

Roselyn Odede, chairperson of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, reported in 2023 that the commission received reports of 22 extrajudicial killings and nine cases of enforced disappearance between January 2022 and June 2023.

Peninah Koome, chairperson of Kenyan Champions for Justice, a community-based organization, recounted her harrowing experience. Her husband was arrested, brutally beaten by the officer in charge at Ruaraka police station, and later died at Kenyatta National Hospital.

“I had no money to pay for lawyers, but IPOA and International Justice Mission (IJM) stepped in. However, as a witness to my husband’s case, I became a target. They came after me the day after I testified. IPOA and IJM had to provide protection. After three years, we finally got justice.”

Houghton Irungu, the Executive Director at Amnesty International Kenya, expressed concern about the return of the same oppressive culture despite the Kenya Kwanza administration’s promise under Ruto to end enforced disappearances.

“They disbanded the Special Service Unit (SSU), revamped the National Police Service, changed the Director of Criminal Investigations, and restructured the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit (ATPU). We hoped this would lead to respect for the rule of law, but the old habits seem to be resurfacing,” said Irungu.

Irungu emphasizes the importance of timely identification of missing persons and the need for human rights organizations and witness protection agencies to act quickly to protect witnesses and their families.

“As a country, we still haven’t ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. It’s been five years since Parliament passed the Coroner Service Act, yet we still lack independent coroner forensic capacity to prosecute these cases. We don’t even have a national database on missing persons,” laments Irungu.

As the international community commemorates the victims of enforced disappearances, the call for justice in Kenya grows louder. The government’s failure to address this issue not only violates human rights but also erodes public trust in state institutions. For the families of the missing, the search for truth and accountability.

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Catherine Wanjeri Kariuki, a TV and radio reporter based in Nakuru, Kenya, at a police station. A police officer shot her in the leg despite her visible press credentials. The incident was reported to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA). Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Aug 15 2024 (IPS)

In the heart of Nairobi, as tear gas clouded the streets, the line between journalists and protesters blurred in the eyes of Kenyan law enforcement. A wave of anti-government protests, ignited by opposition to a proposed finance bill, has spiraled into violence, with journalists increasingly caught in the crossfire between police and protesters.

On March 27, 2024, as opposition leader Raila Odinga’s convoy wound through Nairobi, reporters and photographers followed closely, documenting the unrest against President William Ruto’s administration. Despite having their press credentials on display, they encountered hostility rather than protection. Outside Langata Police Station, officers deliberately targeted journalists from The Standard Group with tear gas canisters, even after they had identified themselves.

This violent crackdown wasn’t confined to Nairobi. Across Kenya, journalists have faced brutal assaults, arbitrary arrests, and the destruction of their equipment. Despite having clearly visible press credentials, a police officer shot Catherine Kariuki, a female journalist from the Rift Valley, in the leg in Nakuru. The incident, captured on camera, left no doubt about its deliberate nature. The Kenya Union of Journalists (KUJ) swiftly condemned the attack, demanding a thorough investigation and accountability.

The grim reality is that Kenya, ranked 102nd on the World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), is witnessing a severe erosion of media freedoms. Despite the country’s diverse media landscape, many outlets are under the control of politicians or people who are closely associated with the government, which fosters a culture of fear and self-censorship.

As protests continue, so too does the violence against those tasked with documenting them.

“We are opposed to media censorship and the government’s attempts to dictate what should be aired. Media freedom is guaranteed under the constitution, but the government is increasingly interfering,” says Zubeidah Koome, president of the Kenya Editors’ Guild.

The case of Catherine Kariuki, who remains without justice despite clear evidence, has become emblematic of the broader crisis. RSF has referred the matter to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), but the lack of response has only deepened concerns about accountability.

The threats to press freedom in Kenya extend beyond physical violence. Reports have surfaced of government threats to shut down the Kenyan Television Network (KTN) after it aired footage of protesters storming Parliament. The channel eventually ceased operations, citing financial strain amid the ongoing economic crisis. Insiders, however, suggest that senior officials from the Communications Authority ordered television signal carriers to switch off KTN in a blatant attempt to suppress media coverage.

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) joined KUJ in condemning these actions, labeling them a disgraceful attempt to stifle press freedom and deny Kenyan citizens access to information. IFJ General Secretary Anthony Bellanger urged the Kenyan government to investigate the brutalization of journalists and hold those responsible accountable.

Parliamentary reporter Elizabeth Mutuku echoed these concerns, recounting the fear she and her colleagues felt after being labeled criminals for simply doing their jobs.

“Our greatest mistake that day was showing Kenyans exactly what transpired. Some of us were labeled as criminals, and we were told that investigations are ongoing. We’re left wondering what investigations they’re conducting,” Mutuku said.

Freedom of the press is enshrined in Kenya’s 2010 constitution, yet over 20 acts and laws regulating journalism challenge the basic principles of press freedom. The 2018 Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act, for example, prescribes up to 10 years in prison and a fine of Ksh 40,000 for disseminating information deemed to be fake news likely to incite violence.

Amnesty International, in its 2024 State of Media Freedom analysis, highlighted that the intentional disruption of internet connectivity and the enactment of stringent security laws are part of a broader strategy to silence the media and control the flow of information. Despite earlier assurances, internet access was temporarily disrupted nationwide during the protests, depriving millions of Kenyans of real-time information about the unfolding events.

The threats against journalists in Kenya mirror the challenges faced by their counterparts in neighboring East African countries, where journalists are subjected to threats, harassment, intimidation, beatings, arbitrary arrests, and prosecution. For instance, in February of last year, a Mogadishu court sentenced journalist Abdalle Ahmed Mumin to two months in prison for allegedly disobeying government orders.

In Ethiopia, Amnesty International reports that ongoing conflicts have led to the detention of at least nine journalists since August 2023, with five still in custody. Three of these journalists are facing terrorism charges that could carry the death penalty if they are convicted.

Dinah Ondari, a safety specialist with the Media Council of Kenya, questioned how the agency responsible for protecting press freedom could be violating it. “It’s disheartening to see the frustrations journalists undergo. In Kenya, as a journalist, every time you express yourself, you watch over your shoulder to see who is targeting or following you,” remarked Zubeidah Koome.

Among those who were targeted were Joe Muhia and Iddi Ali Juma of the Associated Press (AP), who were arrested and later released after being assaulted. In an incident captured on video, Standard Group video editor Justice Mwangi Macharia was arrested and violently hauled out of a moving police motor vehicle, sustaining physical injuries.

Nation Media Group’s Taifa Leo reporter Sammy Kimatu was also thrown out of a moving police Land Rover and sustained injuries. Maureen Murethi (NTV) was also hospitalized after police aimed a canister at her as she covered the protests as well as the shooting of a female journalist, Catherine Wanjeri, in Nakuru, Rift Valley.

As Kenya teeters on the brink, the international community watches closely. Will the country uphold its democratic values, or will it succumb to the darkness of repression? The answer may well determine the future of press freedom in Kenya.

One notable incident was the mysterious assassination of renowned Pakistani journalist Arshad Sharif in 2022 in Nairobi. Kenyan police fired multiple shots at Sharif’s vehicle, killing him. Last month, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) welcomed the Kenyan High Court’s ruling that the 2022 killing of Pakistani journalist Arshad Sharif was unlawful. Angela Quintal, head of CPJ’s Africa program, noted in New York that while the “verdict marks an important step towards ending impunity in this case, Kenyan authorities should ensure that genuine justice is achieved by prosecuting those responsible for Arshad’s fatal shooting.”

During this year’s World Press Freedom Day, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned of the escalating dangers journalists face globally. In his address, he described journalism as an increasingly dangerous profession, with dozens of journalists covering risky themes having been killed in recent decades, and in the vast majority of cases, no one has been held accountable.

David Omwoyo, CEO of the Media Council of Kenya, addressed a recent government and media leaders’ roundtable, emphasizing the need for a critical space for media freedom and democracy. “We need to stop branding the media as anti-government. The media should play its rightful role within the prescribed standards. Anyone fighting the media is out of order, given the critical place of media in democracy and governance,” Omwoyo stated.

Zubeidah Koome further called for an end to attacks against the media.

“We remain relentless in our call to end the violence and threats against journalists. However, no substantial progress has been made, and the violence targeting the media continues to escalate. We hope that appropriate action will be taken against those attacking journalists. At the same time, the media industry must align ethical conduct with the current times.”

Erick Oduor, Secretary General of the Kenya Union of Journalists, emphasized the need for all stakeholders to engage collectively in seeking solutions to the challenges facing the media industry, especially during these critical times in Kenya.

“Regrettably, the ongoing events in our media space continue to impact Kenya’s World Press Freedom ranking. As media industry players, we are ready to engage with the government at all levels,” he told IPS.

“The unfortunate events remind us that members of the National Police Service remain the weak link in Kenya’s quest for freedom of expression and freedom of the media, as espoused in our Constitution. We call on the Inspector General of Police to rein in on his officers by ensuring that journalists are protected and not targeted for harassment while performing their duties in any working environment,” said Omwoyo in a statement, hinting that so far, 24 cases of harassment against journalists during recent protests have been documented.

The International Press Institute (IPI), in its findings, reported that it had documented four cases of journalists killed in Sudan as of June 2024, with the killings carried out by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The journalists named by IPI include Muawiya Abdel Razek, who was killed in Khartoum along with his three siblings. Others include Makawi Mohamed Ahmed, Alaadin Ali Mohamed, and freelance journalist Ibrahim Abdullah.

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Naomy Kolian and Jane Kaliko share light moments after a tiring day of engaging the community at a public forum on the need to stop FGM. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Jul 15 2024 (IPS)

In the heart of Empash village, a fragmented community nestled in Suswa, Narok County, some 62 miles northwest of Nairobi, Naomy Kolian’s story unfolds like a gripping saga of pain, resilience, and unyielding determination.

It was here, amidst the familiar surroundings of her home, that she was subjected to female genital mutilation (FGM), a brutal tradition that left her with physical and emotional scars. This hidden trauma would linger, haunting her well into adulthood.

Here, the Maasai culture thrives on a tapestry of rich traditions and deep-seated customs. The rhythmic chants of age-old songs blend with the distant bellowing of cattle, painting a picture of pastoral tranquility. Yet, beneath this picturesque veneer lies a harrowing reality for many Maasai women, which Naomy Kolian knows all too well.

A mother of five and a fierce advocate against FGM, a practice that nearly shattered her life, Naomy is a testament to the strength of the human spirit.

Her journey began with an unlikely opportunity. Compassion International, a Christian humanitarian organization, offered her the chance to attend school in a community where educating girls is often undervalued.

She thrived in both academics and athletics, becoming one of the best runners in her primary school. But this promising future was abruptly interrupted when, at the age of 14, after her final primary school examinations, she was forced to undergo FGM—a rite of passage that would rob her of her athletic potential and much more.

“We were taken to where my mother was,” Naomy recalls, her voice tinged with a mix of pain and resilience. “There, we found several people with a cow slaughtered. When I asked what was happening, I was lied to and told that nothing was going on. My mother finally disclosed that I was to undergo the cut since all my friends had already done so.”

The following morning, Naomy was placed under the custody of elderly women inside a manyatta, a traditional mud-walled house. The ordeal that followed was nothing short of a nightmare. In the cold, early hours, she was taken outside, stripped, and doused with ice-cold water meant to numb her nerves.

“That is when I fainted,” she says, wiping away tears with the palm of her hand.

Naomy’s voice wavers as she describes the excruciating details of her mutilation. She was sat down and held to the ground by strong women. Despite her struggles, she managed to overpower them temporarily, but this only led to more brutal measures.

“They chose to tie ropes on both legs and pass them through pierced holes in the wall. Men outside held the ropes, which forced my legs apart, giving the elderly woman ample time to carry out her assignment,” she explains, recounting how she felt one leg go numb.

In the Maasai community, FGM lacks a precise method, often resulting in severe complications. Naomy continued to bleed profusely, and the women attending to her resorted to applying sugar, honey, and cold milk to the wound. When these remedies failed, they tied her legs together in a futile attempt to stop the bleeding. Desperation led them to extract almost a liter of fresh cow’s blood, which they forced her to drink, hoping it would stem the blood loss.

Naomy’s ordeal is a stark representation of the plight faced by many Maasai women, who endure such inhumane practices under the guise of cultural preservation.

Lilian Saruni, also a victim, is a mother of seven, married to an elderly man with ten wives. “I engage in the beading business to enable me to educate my children so they can get a basic education,” she says.

“My husband issued curse threats that whoever would prevent the daughters from undergoing the cut would die, including the practitioner,” she shares. With support from the area chief and clergy, Lilian managed to protect her daughter and expand her efforts to help other girls.

Using her own experience as a powerful narrative, Naomy is today one of Kenya’s most powerful and persuasive advocates for the eradication of FGM. As the founder of a grassroots organization, Eselenge Engayion, she focuses on empowering the youth and providing safe havens for girls fleeing forced knife in her native village.

“The pain I went through is fresh in my mind to date, and the worst of it is that I lost my sporting talent completely,” she confides. Yet, her resolve remains unbroken.

“Teachers in high school would punish me for not participating in the sport indicated in my certificate, mistaking my inability to participate as ignorance,” Naomy says.

Determined not to let her past define her future, Naomy persisted. “I said to myself, I should not give up. I told my father that I would proceed to college. An old man was brought home. They resisted, saying that since I had undergone the cut, I should be married. That is when I decided to fake it and got into a relationship with a young man whom I did not love. That’s where I got pregnant,” she narrates.

The fear of hospitals due to the scars from FGM compounded her struggles during childbirth. “I feared going to the hospital because of the rupture due to the scar. I had a premature birth. I asked mom what was happening and she encouraged me, saying it is usually that way. I was referred to Kijabe Hospital. I could not walk properly,” she shares.

Her second birth was equally painful, but with the support of her understanding husband, Naomy managed to pursue a certificate course in Early Childhood Development Education (EDE). She worked as a volunteer, using every opportunity to educate young children and girls on the effects of FGM.

Prof. Patrick Muia Ndavi, an associate professor of obstetrics and gynecology at the University of Nairobi, explains, “When you look at the drivers of FGM, they say it is a cultural issue, a religious issue. But even when we ask which religion supports this practice, they can’t quantify which religion prescribes this vice.”

He continues to highlight the severe harm inflicted upon girls and women, stating, “FGM violates bodily integrity and has led to the deaths of some women and girls. In Kenya, FGM can cause fistula, which affects the communication between the bladder and the birth canal. Young mothers forced to undergo the cut often have children who develop cerebral palsy.”

Muia underscores the chronic, lifelong complications of FGM, which span medical and mental health issues. “Women and girls suffer from anxiety and fear of intimacy, especially where the worst forms of the practice are carried out,” he notes.

Jane Soipan Letooya, a poet from the Keekonyoike location, uses her talent to speak out against FGM. “FGM, taken as a cultural practice, makes it rampant in our community. The practice has cut off the future of many girls,” she asserts. Jane started her campaign in 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, motivated by the fear and loss experienced by her classmates.

Sharon Saruni, a 23-year-old student, was rescued by her mother, Lilian Saruni, from her father’s aggression.

“There is a need for a common discussion among stakeholders to dig into the root cause of this rampant vice among the Maasai community,” Sharon insists. She urges fellow girls to speak out without fear, highlighting the low self-esteem and shattered dreams caused by FGM.

According to the Somaliland Ministry of Social Affairs and a 2020 UNFPA report, Somaliland has the world’s highest recorded prevalence of FGM, with about 98 percent of women aged 15-49 having undergone FGM.

Article 8 of the Somaliland Constitution guarantees women the right to be free from violence. However, there is currently no viable anti-FGM policy approved. The Ministry of Social Affairs, in collaboration with relevant stakeholders, is drafting an anti-FGM policy that has been submitted to the cabinet for approval.

“This policy will support and back up the fight against FGM in Somaliland. Without the policy, there is no reference to take action against perpetrators. This policy will significantly enhance our interventions in ending FGM,” Yahye Mohamed, a TGG-ALM team lead, also working for Action Aid Somaliland, told IPS in a virtual interview.

The ongoing conflict in the east and the drought have disrupted the speed of the fight against FGM and the approval of the policy.

Jacinta Muteshi, the regional team leader of The Girl Generation-Support to the Africa-Led Movement dubbed TGG-ALM, noted that the prevalence rates remain very high in many Eastern African countries.

“We have been at the forefront in supporting those leading the fight against FGM in the East Africa region,” she told IPS in an interview.

TGG-ALM is a consortium led by Options Consultancy Services, which includes Amref Health Africa, Action Aid, the Orchid Project, the Africa Coordination Centre for the Abandonment of FGM/C, and the University of Portsmouth. The consortium is actively working in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Somaliland for the East Africa region and Senegal to combat FGM/C.

At a recent AU conference in Tanzania, government representatives highlighted the importance of collaborative actions, emphasizing the need to harmonize laws and penalties, establish hotlines for at-risk individuals, and standardize definitions of FGM to unify their approaches.

“If you look at the African continent, for the 28 countries where the prevalence is high, we are talking about 55 million girls experiencing FGM. Early and forced marriages are often aligned with these prevalence rates,” Muteshi told IPS.

In Kenya, there is a strong stance against FGM by the leadership in terms of policy, resources, and public statements. In Senegal, Amref Health Africa and Action Aid have engaged with parliamentarians to stress the significance of harmonizing regional laws for eradicating FGM/C.

“Many countries have laws, but their inconsistency in enforcing them or allocating resources to make those efforts effective is a concern. Hence, there is a need to bring parliamentarians together to highlight these issues,” Muteshi added.

The recent UNICEF report titled Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern-2024 says though the pace of progress is picking up, the rate of decline would need to be 27 times faster to meet the target of eliminating female genital mutilation by 2030, in line with the UN SDG on eliminating harmful practices by 2030.

Saruni Reson, a senior chief in Enosupukia, Narok East sub-county, has lived in Oloserian for five decades. A former teacher, he began fighting against FGM by setting an example with his daughters.

“As a family, we have saved 59 girls from undergoing the cut, and we are on a mission to spread the message against this vice,” he states.

Reson highlights the challenges faced in the fight against FGM. “Distance is one of the main challenges, especially when it comes to mobility coupled with the locality’s terrain when it rains,” he says. Despite these obstacles, the community’s security model, including village elders and local police, has been instrumental in rescuing girls.

“The government’s vision to eradicate the cut by 2030 will be achieved through our assistance, but we target to achieve this before that time,” he affirms. Reson calls for the establishment of safe homes near educational facilities, providing girls with a refuge and a chance for a better future.

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Youth demonstrate on the streets of Nairobi, adjacent to the national parliament, while legislators rush to pass the Finance Bill 2024. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Jun 27 2024 (IPS)

In a historic first, Kenya’s youth have mobilized in large-scale protests to demand that the political establishment listen to them. The Finance Bill 2024, which proposed new taxes across several sectors, was the catalyst for the protests, igniting outrage among a youth demographic that feels betrayed by decades of political promises. These protests, driven by economic and social grievances, escalated dramatically, culminating in clashes with police that led to numerous deaths and widespread unrest.

The streets of Kenya’s major towns and cities became battlegrounds, showcasing a remarkable display of youth agitation. Hundreds of demonstrators faced illegal arrests and detentions, with many others sustaining injuries in the chaos. 

Amidst these tumultuous scenes that gripped Kenya, young female protesters emerged as a force to be reckoned with, standing shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts in defiance of punitive tax measures. Their presence in the chaotic protests was not just significant; it was transformative, as they marched fearlessly into the fray, determined to have their voices heard.

Wanjiku Stephens, donning a luminous green raincoat, became an emblem of bravery as she marched towards a police water cannon. Her act of standing in solidarity with a fellow protester shocked many.

“I was somewhere behind when I saw a young guy hit by the water cannon. A young and energetic guy who not only believed in himself but in the people. That is when I said I have to speak up as a woman,” she recounted, her voice tinged with a mix of fear and resolve. Wanjiku couldn’t pinpoint where her courage came from, only that she found herself on the frontlines, unwavering.

Shakira Wafula boldly confronted the anti-riot police, mirroring Wanjiku’s spirit.

“I am here for Kenya, for my people. I am here for your rights. Push me,” she declared defiantly, clad in black, raising her fist up and holding a Kenyan flag.

Shakira’s frustration was palpable as she described her encounter. “The police tried to control how I was moving. This raised my pressure,” she explained.

Wanjiku also highlighted the specific grievances of women regarding the Finance Bill. “If you look closely at the Finance Bill, a lot of things are affecting us as women. From sanitary towels to anything involving the household, which is the woman’s responsibility,” she pointed out.

“In other countries, sanitary products are free, so why not in Kenya? Why are we being charged for having periods, something we didn’t choose?” she asks.

An anti-riot police officer escorts an arrested female protester outside the Kenya Supreme Court in Nairobi during the demonstrations. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

The current government claimed that the previous administration had borrowed heavily from foreign governments, so the Finance Bill sought to increase and introduce new taxes to pay off this debt while simultaneously making Kenya less reliant on foreign debt. This was to bridge the debt gap and also raise revenue to finance the government’s move to subsidize agriculture inputs. The taxes on basic necessities, such as bread and sanitary towels, infuriated the youth and Kenyans.

Unlike previous demonstrations marked by stones and crude weapons, these Gen Z protesters opted for peaceful chants, documenting their protests on their phones and even live-streaming to reach a wider audience. Their approach was a testament to a new wave of activism, one that harnessed technology and peaceful resistance to amplify their message.

As these relentless women took their stand, they not only fought against economic injustice but also redefined the role of women in Kenya’s fight for a fair and just society. Their courage and determination became a powerful symbol of the youth uprising, inspiring countless others to join the cause.

The proposed Finance Bill is seen by many as a burden on ordinary Kenyans, deepening their financial struggles, while expanding government spending. The youth, already facing high unemployment despite being educated, view this bill as a direct assault on their economic prospects. Their frustration is palpable, and their actions speak volumes about their desperation and determination.

In a bid to suppress the protests, law enforcement officers resorted to firing live ammunition, wielding batons, deploying water cannons, and using tear gas grenades. This heavy-handed approach resulted in a significant number of deaths and injuries, though the precise count remains uncertain.

According to the UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials (1979) and the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials (1990), only the minimum force necessary should be used for legitimate law enforcement purposes during an assembly. These international standards highlight the excessive nature of the force used against the Kenyan protesters, raising serious human rights concerns.

The anger and determination of the youth reached a peak as they occupied the parliament precincts, one of the most protected zones in the country. They managed to breach security and gain entry into the bicameral house, leading to chaotic and unprecedented scenes.

At least four protesters were shot dead as police struggled to disperse the rioters. The situation escalated further as protesters vandalized windows and set fire to the new wing of the parliament building, causing significant damage and forcing MPs and parliamentary staff to scramble for safety.

The use of live ammunition to quell the riots, along with reports of arbitrary arrests and the intimidation of activists, has drawn sharp criticism from lawyers and human rights groups. They argue that such measures are not only excessive but also violate the fundamental rights of the protesters.

As the dust begins to settle, the broader implications of these protests for Kenyan society and politics become clearer. The targeting of businesses perceived to be aligned with politicians supporting the Finance Bill underscores the deep-seated frustration and mistrust among the youth. The potential for future unrest looms large as the young generation continues to demand justice and economic fairness.

In a surprising turn of events, Ruto succumbed to mounting pressure from Gen Z, millennials, and the public, leading him to make an unprecedented decision. The president announced the withdrawal of the contentious 2024 Finance Bill, a move that the protesters, who flocked to the streets in record numbers, had fiercely demanded.

A police vehicle set on fire by angry protesters as they sought entry into the national parliament in Nairobi. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

“Listening keenly to the people of Kenya who have said loudly that they want nothing to do with this Finance Bill for 2024, I concede. Therefore, I will not sign the 2024 Finance Bill, and it shall subsequently be withdrawn. I have agreed with these members that this becomes our collective position,” Ruto declared in a nationally televised address on Wednesday.

The UN Secretary-General expressed his concerns over the violence in Kenya connected to protests and street demonstrations.

However, this decision sparked a debate on its legality. Rarieda Legislator Paul Otiende Amolo, who played a key role in crafting the 2010 constitution, pointed out that the president cannot unilaterally withdraw a bill since he is not a member of parliament.

“To constitutionally nuance this, the legal way is for the president to register reservations on all aspects of the bill, including the title, then send the bill back to parliament within seven days. Parliament then votes to adopt each reservation, effectively nullifying the bill,” explained lawyer Waiko Wanyoike.

In a statement, António Guterres expressed his sadness over the reports of deaths and injuries, including those of journalists and medical personnel.

He also said he was concerned about reported cases of targeted arbitrary detentions. Guterres said he underscored the need to uphold the right to demonstrate peacefully and urged the Kenyan authorities to exercise restraint.  He conveyed condolences to the bereaved families and wished those injured a speedy recovery.

Human rights advocates quickly weighed in on the matter. Wangeci Grace Kahuria is the Executive Director of Independent Medical Legal Unit (IMLU) and convener of the Police Reforms Working Group.

“It’s not the protesters who are treasonous but the president’s acts. According to Article 241/2/c of the constitution, which requires the National Assembly’s approval but never did, the Kenya Defense Forces (KDF) deployment was illegal and made the killings worse,” according to Kahuria.

Joshua Changwony, Executive Director of Constitution and Reform Education Consortium (CRECO), noted the widespread nature of the protests, emphasizing that 67 towns across the country participated, making it a national movement rather than a localized Nairobi issue.

Speaking to IPS on the phone, legal expert Willis Otieno commented on the political implications, stating, “Parliament, as it were, already stands impeached in the eyes of the people of Kenya. This is a response to the people exercising their Article 1 right to the constitution by demanding a rejection rather than withdrawal.”

He argued that the people had effectively ‘impeached’ parliament, rendering it powerless in this context. The Finance Bill is revenue-raising legislation, which means the amendments made last year will remain in effect. This forces the government to return to the drawing board and reduce the budget.”

For Otieno, the two press conferences done by the president and his deputy in different locations confirm that “we do not have a functioning government.”

“The legislators refused to listen to the people who gave them their views. The same legislators clapped when the president withdrew the bill, yet they are the ones who passed it,” remarked Otieno.

Deputy President Gachagua blamed the National Intelligence Service (NIS), yet the people did not elect the security spy agency.

“They should not play blame games and must take ultimate responsibility. The president and his deputy owe Kenyans one duty: to vacate their offices and resign because, by their admission, they are shirking responsibilities to others whom the people of Kenya did not elect,” reiterates Otieno.

As Kenya navigates this critical juncture, the voice of its youth continues to echo through the corridors of power, signaling a profound shift in the nation’s political landscape. The collective action of a generation has not only forced a significant policy reversal but has also sparked a broader conversation about accountability, governance, and the power of the people.

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Christine Nalienya, a farmer in western Kenya, winnowing beans outside her home. Bean farmers confront various challenges, yet as smallholder farmers, they receive little support. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Nov 22 2023 (IPS)

In a groundbreaking development, indigenous farmer communities are poised to bring the spotlight onto food systems at the upcoming UN Climate Conference (COP28) in Dubai.

Recent research revealing that food systems contribute to roughly one-third of global greenhouse gas emissions has spurred a compelling call to action.

Furthermore, as one-third of the world’s food goes to waste, an alarming over 700 million people grapple with hunger. At the same time, a staggering 3 billion individuals cannot access a nutritious diet. This issue is poised to worsen due to the adverse effects of extreme weather events and biodiversity loss on global agriculture.

After years of relative neglect in global climate negotiations, food systems have finally taken center stage at COP28.

Estrella Penunia, the Secretary General of the Asian Farmers’ Association for Sustainable Rural Development (AFA), said at a conference held ahead of World Food Day that while approximately 4 percent of climate financing is allocated to agriculture, a mere 1.7 percent reaches family farmers.

“We want to play the role of climate stewards in our farms, fisheries, and forests because we know the solutions on how to transition to sustainable, inclusive, just, and healthy food systems to regenerative and agricultural approaches,” Penunia told the virtual press conference.

Under the leadership of the COP28 presidency, it is anticipated that world leaders will unite to endorse an unprecedented declaration acknowledging the undeniable connections between food systems, agriculture, and climate change at the World Climate Action Summit on December 1-2.

What’s more, the COP28 event will set a precedent by dedicating a thematic day to food systems on December 10. Expectations run high for farmers, businesses, civil society, and other stakeholders to deliver ambitious announcements and rallying calls to further advance the significance of food systems in the current year.

According to Penunia, governments, development partners, the private sector, and civil society organizations must unite to support indigenous farmers. She emphasized the need for favorable policies and programs to expand and enhance their work and for sufficient financing to be directed toward agriculture.

“Direct financing for small-scale family farmers is key to empowering their organizations and cooperatives as effective change agents. The aim is to enable millions of family farmers to directly contribute solutions,” said Penunia.

Stakeholders are concerned that the food systems agenda has been inadequately represented in global climate discussions, but there is now a growing recognition of the substantial impact of agricultural emissions, including methane and carbon dioxide, on the climate.

David Nabarro, the strategic director at the 4 SD Foundation, emphasized that while the contribution of agriculture and food to greenhouse gas emissions has been known for some time, there is now widespread recognition that it warrants serious attention. Moreover, climate change challenges have intensified over the past few years, with increasing reports from farmers about the near impossibility of dealing with its effects.

Nabarro, also a senior advisor to the COP28 Food Systems team, underscored the significance of the upcoming COP28 in Dubai. “It places the issue squarely on the table despite the difficulties involved and brings together various groups. World leaders understand the imperative of addressing all sources of emissions and working with diverse companies and countries to effect meaningful change.”

Gonzalo Munoz, a former high-level champion for COP25 and lead on the COP28 Non-State Actors Agenda for Food Systems on behalf of the UN Climate Champions, stressed the need to demonstrate a sense of urgency and the imperative of scaling up action.

“This call to action endorses the Emirates Declaration and backs its implementation, developed in consultation with non-state actors. Consequently, at COP28, there will be a launch of a non-state actor call to action aimed at transforming food systems for the benefit of people, nature, and climate,” said Gonzalo.

This initiative also underscores the critical need to respect and value the traditional knowledge held by indigenous people and the local knowledge possessed by farmers, fishers, and other food producers.

In the local context, respecting and valuing the traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples and local farmers, fishers, ranchers, and pastoralists is vital. it is equally important to engage women and youth in climate negotiations and other processes at all levels, as Rebecca Brooks, a high-level climate champion, emphasized.

“Strengthening the capacity of organizations representing these groups and providing appropriate resources, incentives, and technical support is essential,” Brooks, also the pillar lead for the non-state actors pillar of the COP28 Food Systems and Agriculture Agenda, told the press conference.

Dr Tim Benton, the Research Director of the Environment and Society Program at Chatham House, emphasized the pivotal role of transforming the food system in addressing the climate crisis, biodiversity loss, pollution, human health, and well-being.

He raised the question of how to make it profitable for farmers to adopt more sustainable, resilient practices without the pressures often stemming from globalized systems to maximize yield at any cost.

Benton also acknowledged the substantial challenges facing smallholder farmers in many parts of the global south, particularly in the middle latitudes.

“The challenges for smallholder farmers in many parts of the global south, and particularly the middle latitudes of the world, are huge,” he reiterated.

Regarding potential trade-offs, Benton recognized that there are real trade-offs, such as balancing biodiversity conservation, nutrition, farmer livelihoods, and greenhouse gas emissions. The complex task is to find solutions that address these trade-offs effectively.

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The Mbeubeus dumpsite in Dakar, Senegal, where Practical Action, an international organisation is helping the communities phase out open burning of waste. Credit: Practical Action.

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Oct 2 2023 (IPS)

With the African continent recycling less than 11 percent of its waste, COP28 provided leaders on the African continent to consider integrated waste systems that include informal waste workers.

Akinyi Walender, Africa Director at Practical Action, an innovative international development group, says the informal waste workers are rarely involved. She was speaking recently at the inaugural Africa Climate Summit.

“For us to tackle the issue of waste, we really have to look at how we can have a more integrated system in place, which means we need to bring everybody along,” she told a session on open burning of waste on the sideline of the summit.

Coming ahead of the upcoming Cop28 summit, Wandeler says it provided an opportunity for the African continent to think concretely about what it wants to achieve on climate issues.

“The situation on climate is so dire that we do need to really act. We should already begin to look at opportunities within the continent and make those good while we wait for the funding that is supposed to come on adaptation,” Walender told IPS in an interview.

Over 90 percent of waste generated in Africa is disposed of at uncontrolled dumpsites and landfills, often with associated open burning. Nineteen of the world’s 50 biggest dumpsites are located in Africa, all in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The African Union set an ambitious target for African cities to recycle at least half of their waste by 2023, but many are still far from achieving this.

According to the UN Environment Programme, the goal can be met and even surpassed with a shift of organic waste to composting and bioenergy recovery, along with the refurbishment, repair, reuse, and recycling of the waste.

In 2016, Sub-Saharan Africa alone generated around nine percent of global waste or 180 million tonnes, of which about two-thirds is dropped in landfills and open dump sites, left to pollute the nearby environment and global climate. This is projected to quadruple by 2050.

Last year, environment ministers from 54 African countries met in Dakar, Senegal, at the 18th session of the African Ministerial Conference on the Environment (AMCEN), committing to achieve a 60 percent reduction of open waste burning by 2030 and fully phase out open burning of waste by 2040.

It is an ambitious target, which Walender says, “With the much wider UN 2030 Agenda on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in place, many countries have so much that they need to grapple with”.

Akinyi Walender, the Director of Practical Action Africa, speaking during a session on open burning of waste at the sideline of the recent Africa Climate Summit in Nairobi. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

“We have many policies in place, but most are hardly implemented. The whole topic on open burning of waste and its 2040 timeline is very short. Many have yet to even put in place those policies that govern the open burning of waste. I feel that this timeline is actually very short,” Walender told IPS in an interview.

Sam Dindi, director for training and community mobilization at Mazingira Yetu, a Kenyan-based environment organization, says if countries embrace a green and circular economy in which waste is reused, it has the potential to create job opportunities for the youth.

“Open burning of waste is a quick way of addressing a problem, but again, it brings an even bigger problem that we may not be able to solve both as a country and as a continent,” he told IPS in an interview.

Last year, Kenya passed the Solid Waste Management Act 2022, dubbed Sustainable Solid Waste Management Act 2022, which requires the closure of all open dumpsites and transit to landfills, a controlled form of dumpsite.

“Kenya is making progress. Last year, Kenya passed the Solid Waste Management Act 2022, which transforms how we manage waste from the previous linear economy and promotes a circular economy in which waste is given a new lease of life. It is either upcycled or recycled,” says Dindi.

According to Dindi, the implementation of the policies in place remains a barrier to the efforts of various stakeholders.

“Implementation of the policies is where the rubber meets the road. This is where we lack the political goodwill because perhaps implementing these policies is perceived to affect some businesses, policymakers, or other interested parties,” Dindi told IPS.

Dumping of waste, according to stakeholders who spoke at the session, agreed that the open burning of waste heavily impacts the impoverished and marginalized communities.

A 2021 report by Practical Action dubbed Managing Our Waste indicates that nearly two billion people on the planet live without any form of waste collection, with Sub-Saharan Africa experiencing some of the lowest waste collection coverage.

The report recommends monitoring waste management as a people-centred service, integrating the voice of those most affected and improving informal waste workers’ lives and working conditions.

“At all levels, waste policies need to focus not only on environmental benefits but also on improving the lives of the poorest communities and workers. Their voices need to be heard in all key decision-making processes,” reads the report.

In Senegal, Practical Action is working with local communities and government agencies to reduce the open burning of waste at two major dumping sites, namely, the infamous Mbeubeus site in Dakar and a second one in Thiès.

“While it is generally seen as a responsibility of the local government, the community and the private sector need to be involved. If you look at the whole circular economy, there is the ability to reuse, recycle the waste, and reorient it in terms of packaging,” Walender told IPS.

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Women display sorted gums and gum resins at a local market in Marsabit County. The women have greatly benefited economically through harvesting and selling non-wood products. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
Nairobi, Jun 16 2022 (IPS)

Clad in traditional regalia and necklaces of richly coloured beads that form magnificent patterns around their necks, an army of women from the pastoral Rendile community that resides at the heart of Marsabit, a county in Kenya’s arid north, is on a mission.

Shoulder-to-shoulder, they are walking towards economic freedom armed with relevant tools up the hill to tap gum and gum-resins from acacia trees.

“We face a myriad of challenges. First, we have to fetch water before harvesting gum from acacia trees. We then sort and dry it before taking it to the market for sale. From gums and gum-resin sales, I am able to meet my family’s needs. No need to sell my sheep and goats at a throw-away price,” says Caroline Sepina, a 47-year-old mother of six, as she carefully sorts the gum, which retails at $ 5 (Ksh 550) per kilogram.

Gums and resins are hardened plant exudates obtained from Acacia, Boswellia and Commiphora species in African drylands.

In Kenya’s drylands, human survival is continually faced with multiple challenges with minimal options for alternative livelihoods.

There are no men within the manyattas in Ndikir, a village located in the Marsabit sub-county. Because of the drought, men have had to move to the nearby Samburu county, searching for pasture and water for their livestock.

Here, the women are left behind, but unlike in the past, when they would be unemployed, they now have alternative livelihoods which complement their livestock.

According to Leuwan Kokton, assistant chief of the Ndikir sub-location, men usually migrate with the livestock to the nearby Samburu county to avoid severe drought, with a few livestock left to help cater for children’s upkeep and sometimes, medication.

“Through this economic venture, I do not have to sell sheep from my herds to cater for my household needs. All I need to do is just walk to the nearby trees and tap the non-wood products, then sell them at the market. This helps me preserve my sheep and goats,” Joseph Longelesh, a resident of Ndikir village told IPS in an interview.

The gums and gum-resins of commercial importance collected from the forests in Kenya include arabic, myrrh, hagar and frankincense. Kenya has resources of gums and resins with commercial production confined to the country’s drylands. Gum arabic comes from Acacia senegal or Acacia seyal, while commercial gum resins are myrrh from Commiphoramyrrha, Hagar from Commiphora holtziana and Frankincense from Boswellia neglecta S.

Traditionally, the resin of Myrrh Hagar is suitable for treating inflammation, arthritis, obesity, microbial infection, wounds, pain, fractures, tumours, gastrointestinal diseases, snake bites and scorpion stings.

Tommaso Menini, the managing director for African Agency for Arid Resource (AGAR), told IPS that gum and resin are directly connected to environmental conservation. The idea is to make the pastoral communities see an alternative source of livelihood apart from livestock.

“Hagar is now an incredibly sought-after product from mostly Chinese buyers because it is highly used in their traditional medicine. Having a nearly 1.4 billion Chinese population means that the demand is high,” Menini told IPS.

“In the last years, we have seen an increasing presence of Chinese buyers setting up a base in Kenya. Before, we had agents who would send several containers to China, but since they are setting up in Kenya, they are now driving prices up because there is more demand.”

For Janet Ahatho, assistant natural resources Director at Marsabit County, these non-wood products have been in existence. Still, the locals had not been exposed to its economic potential and how to exploit them for monetary gains.

“As a county government, we have mapped the areas and worked with the locals. The people who collect the products and sell them are the herders themselves. They have attached that kind of importance to these trees, hence helping in environmental conservation,” says Ahatho.

In Marsabit county, these non-wood products are commonly found in Laisamis, Moyale and North Horr sub-counties.

“Environment destruction is reduced because we have environmental management committees in each sub-county, and they are the ones engaging the collectors and the sellers of the product. They are trained to train the community on why it is important to conserve the tree species,” says Ahatho.

In 2005, the  Regional Centre for Mapping of Resources for Development, through the technical cooperation programme of the UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), carried out resource assessment and mapping of gums and resins in Kenya.

For Ilkul Salgi, the World Vision’s Integrated Management of Natural Resources for Resilience in Arid and Semi-Arid Lands (IMARA) field officer, the locals who reside in arid counties, including Marsabit, are usually faced with drought, conflicts and how to conserve the environment amid the climate crisis.

Engineer Chidume Okoro, a Network for Natural Gums and Resin in Africa (NGARA) chairperson, says production is far from sustainable, particularly for frankincense, with debarking frequently damaging or killing trees.

According to Chidume, production of gum and resin in large quantities for commercial purposes should be done with great care, by training the locals on how to do it sustainably while saving the acacia trees.

“With much focus on exporting bulk raw materials and poor management of the resource, export markets are underexploited. Gender inequities and power imbalances exist and in some cases have led to unequal access and control over benefits from these natural resources,” Okoro told IPS.

Since exploring the non-wood products, Sepina says her children have always had balanced meals, and she can pay her children’s school fees.

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Ready for a day's work at sea, a small fleet of boats hugs the shoreline of a fishing village in the district of Kilifi. Fishing is important to the local economy. Experts experts insist that there is still a lot more to be done towards developing a strong blue economy action plan for Kenya. Credit: UN Photo/Milton Grant

By Miriam Gathigah and Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Nov 22 2018 (IPS)

In a matter of days the world’s blue economy actors and experts will converge in Nairobi, Kenya for the first ever global conference on sustainable blue economy.

From Nov. 26 to 28, participants from around the globe will meet in Kenya’s capital to discuss how to develop a sustainable blue economy that is inclusive of all.

Professor Micheni Ntiba, the Principal Secretary for Kenya’s Department of Fisheries, Aquaculture and the Blue Economy, says partnership linkages with development agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme are key to progress, but synergies need to be directed towards integrating policy and strategy for implementation.

“This will be a conference like no other, with a research and scientific symposium. It requires knowledge and hence there is the need to integrate policy and strategy for implementation as well,” Ntiba told IPS in an interview.

Wilfred Subbo, an expert in natural resources and an associate professor at the University of Nairobi, told IPS that the Sustainable Blue Economy Conference will significantly jumpstart the country’s blue economy by setting the agenda on the need to prioritise the exploitation of water-based natural resources.

He said that the stage is set for governments and private sector actors to transform the country into a robust commercially-oriented blue economy.

Just this week, on Nov. 19, President Uhuru Kenyatta launched the country’s newly-formed Kenya Coast Guard Service in Mombasa, Coastal region.

With the Kenya Coast Guard Act 2018 already in place, the mandate of the new coast guard includes controlling illegal and unregulated fishing, border disputes, and piracy as well as the degradation of the marine ecosystem.

Also on the same day, Kenyatta launched the ‘Eat More Fish’ campaign, which has Ali Ahmed is elated. Ahmed is a Malindi-based fisherman whose main target markets are in Malindi, Mombasa and Nairobi.

Government statistics shows that the current per capita fish consumption is at 4.6 kilograms, and that the president’s campaign will drive consumption to rival Africa’s average of 10 kilograms, and later attain the global average of 20 kilograms. This is part of an agenda to encourage ordinary Kenyans to both invest and reap from the blue economy based on the untapped potential in fisheries.

“Kenyans have turned to other foods like traditional vegetables and ignored fish. They say it is too expensive but this is not true. Most of the fishermen are in the business to put food on the table and nothing else,” he tells IPS.

Nonetheless, experts insist that there is still a lot more to be done towards developing a strong blue economy action plan, just as countries in the Western Indian Ocean such as Mauritius, Seychelles, Madagascar and the Union of Comoros have done.

Professor Peter Anyang Nyong’o, the Governor for Kisumu County where Lake Victoria is located, told IPS in a telephone conversation that despite huge funding towards solving environmental problems in Lake Victoria, the impact has been negligent.

The Lake Region Block is planning to host a conference early next year that seeks to discuss pollution in Lake Victoria, mainly caused by the hyacinth, the invasive plant that has paralysed commercial fishing and marine transport.

“Hyacinth has heavily affected fish life in the lake as it impedes oxygen level. We are going to discuss scientific research that seeks to bring a better solution to the hyacinth in the lake,” says Nyong’o.

And as counties from the Lake Region plan to attend the Sustainable Blue Economy Conference, Nyong’o says his county is currently working on a plan to revive the fibreglass boat-making project to curb accidents and deaths caused by the use of soft wood in making boats, which he says causes roughly 5400 deaths a year.

Experts such as Nairobi-based economist Jason Rosario Braganza told IPS that the conference offers the public and private sector an opportunity “to reinforce the narrative on the importance of a holistic approach to sustainable development through the diversification of the economy.”

Braganza says that the high-level meeting will draw attention to the responsibility that citizens have in the ethical consumption and responsible use of natural resources.

According to the Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis (Kippra), the estimated annual economic value of goods and services in the marine and coastal ecosystem in the Blue Economy in the Western Indian Ocean is currently slightly over 22 billion dollars. Kenya’s share is approximately 4.4 billion dollars, with the tourism sector accounting for about 4.1 billion dollars.

Dickson Khainga, from the Productive Sector Division, says that Kenya’s blue world is more than just tourism and includes “the extraction of non-living resources such as seabed mining, marine biotechnology and the generation of new resources such as energy and fresh water.”

The research and policy analyst says that despite the country having a maritime territory of 230,000 square kilometres and a distance of 200 nautical miles offshore, equivalent to 31 of the 47 counties, Kenya has only explored tourism and fisheries.

According to Kippra, fisheries are by far not its most productive sector, accounting for a paltry 0.5 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

Against this backdrop, Braganza emphasises that in pursuit of the blue economy the country will need to seal its policy loopholes.

He says that the “exploitative nature of big corporations of natural resources is a threat to sustainable development.” Braganza cautions that governments “will need to be more robust and decisive in the development of institutions, and legislation to police the exploitation of natural resources.”

With shipping said to be responsible for about 2.5 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions and other pollutants, an agreement reached to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from global shipping when nations met at the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) in April this year marked a big milestone.

Feeding the globe’s projected 9.6 billion people by 2050, invigorating aquaculture estimated to supply 58 percent of fish to the global market has the potential to contribute to food security as well socioeconomic inclusion of some of the world’s poorest.

Ntoba says Africa is still blind to the rich diversity of water body resources, and that its nations should now seize the opportunity by using the upcoming global conference as a wake-up call to foment greater African partnership.

Kakamega Governor Wycliffe Oparanya, who chairs the Lake Region Economic Block, told IPS the region will seek to push for a focus to have more funding directed towards improving commercial fish farming in the counties.

So far, the government has already set aside some Ksh 10 billion to improve marine fishing in the coastal region and another Ksh 14 billion to harness commercial aquaculture in 14 counties.

“Water has been mainly used in conventional irrigation agriculture which has contributed to greenhouse gas emissions but there has to be a shift. Sustainable water use will help spur the economy and at the same time curb greenhouse gas emissions,” Oparanya told IPS.

Delegates participate in one of the women’s forums during the Nov. 28-Dec. 1 HLM2 Nairobi meeting. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Kenya, Dec 12 2016 (IPS)

Reengineering the framework of support by bringing in women as new actors in effective development cooperation will play a pivotal role in achieving the 2030 Agenda for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

“We need to deliberately make sure that women are part of the development agenda,” Stephen Gichohi, country manager at Forum Syd’s office in Kenya, told a recent Nov. 28-Dec. 1 Second High Level Meeting (HLM2) on the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) in Nairobi.“If you look across countries, institutions working on gender equality and women’s rights issues are the least funded." -- Patricia Akakpo of the Network for Women Rights in Ghana

The HLM2Nairobi meeting brought together over 5,000 delegates from across the globe, and saw a 400 delegation Civil Society Organisations Partnership for Development Effectiveness (CPDE) endorse the Nairobi Outcome Document.

“Through the government of Kenya’s hosting of this meeting and its leadership, stronger language on gender equality, women’s empowerment and youth’s role in development was made possible,” Theresa Nera-Lauron, co-chair and CSO Policy Advisor, Effective Development Cooperation told IPS.

The HLM2Nairobi built on the Rome Declaration on Harmonisation (2003), the set of principles adopted in the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness (2005), the Accra Agenda for Action (2008), the Fourth High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Busan (2011) where the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) was born, and the outcome of the First High-Level Meeting of the GPEDC in Mexico City (2014).

Patricia Akakpo, Programme Manager, Network for Women Rights in Ghana (NETRIGHT), says despite progress on gender equality and women’s rights, much needs to be improved.

“The general CSO concern, for instance, on democratic ownership is not about shared ownership. The shrinking space of women’s rights and a backlash on gains made in gender and women rights clearly reveals that more needs to be done,” Akalepo told IPS.

She says gender-responsive budgeting has been sector-specific, coupled with failure of the governments to meet commitments on gender equality and women’s empowerment.

“If you look across countries, institutions working on gender equality and women’s rights issues are the least funded. Gender ministries are the least funded. Feminists organizations don’t have the funds to organize to advance women’s rights,” she says.

This comes in the wake of concerns regarding the failure of development support to marry country development policies.

“We need to look at quality for development cooperation and aid in general as countries have been getting much on development support, but little concern is given to whether the support marry with the country development policies, such as the Vision 2030 for Kenya, “said Gichohi.

Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta reiterated the need to include all sectors of the population in the development and implementation of the socio-economic agenda.

“We are happy that the topic of incorporating women, youth and persons with disabilities in the development cooperation has raised big interest in this meeting. We must chose to champion the economic empowerment of women and youth in recognition to the potential they can contribute to the Agenda 2030,” said Uhuru when he opened the HLM2Nairobi meeting.

“HLM2Nairobi focussed on women and youth, a population largely left out. Nothing about us without us. We must involve the voices of youth and women in the development agenda,” Memory Kachambwa, Programme Manager for the African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET), told IPS in an interview.

Reacting to President Uhuru’s sentiment, Kachambwa reiterated the need for policymakers to stop viewing women as victims, and rather as agents of change in their own right who should influence the aid agenda.

Africa, a continent endowed with rich natural resources – especially from the extractives sector – has borne the brunt of tied aid and illicit financial flows, but concern was also raised about the impact of it on the women.

“For every one dollar that comes through development aid, 10 dollars leaves African countries. African has natural resources, but cannot be accounted for, and has been the interest of donor countries which have Multi-National Companies. Governments need to work on certain jurisdictions that provide multinational companies loopholes for tax avoidance,” said Kachambwa.

In a report last year, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) said that companies and government officials are skimming as much as 60 billion dollars annually though illicit financial flows.

“The 60 billion dollars lost through illicit financial flows from African continent is much more than the aid being received. Women are disproportionately affected. This shows there is more in utilizing local resources to fund development in the developing world,” Angel Gurria, OECD Secretary General, told IPS in an interview.

With women facing the harsh reality of fragility in states witnessing violence, Kachambwa calls for linkages with instruments such as the UN Security Council Resolution 1825 and Beijing Declaration.

“Women’s leadership, active participation and influence on different levels in society is important for a sustainable development and a strong democracy,” says Lisbeth Petersen, head of the International Programme Department at Forum Syd.

Sipian Lesan, a semi-nomadic pastoralist from Lekuru village in Samburu County, Kenya, taking care of one of his edible fruit-producing plants. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
SAMBURU, Kenya, Jul 30 2015 (IPS)

Sipian Lesan bends to attend to the Vangueria infausta or African medlar plant that he planted almost two years ago. He takes great care not to damage the soft, velvety, acorn-shaped buds of this hardy and drought-resistant plant. ”All over here it is dry,” says the 51-year-old Samburu semi-nomadic pastoralist.

“We hope that every manyatta [homestead] will have a small food forest and that these will grow in concentric circles until they meet and touch each other and expand, creating a continuous food forest" – Aviram Rozin, founder of Sadhana Forest
Sipian is from Lekuru, a remote village located in the lower ranges of the Samburu Hills, an area dotted by Samburu homesteads commonly known as ‘manyattas’, some 358 km north of Kenya’s capital Nairobi. Here, the small villages are hot and arid, dominated by thorny acacia and patches of bare red earth that signify overgrazed land.

Samburu County is one of the regions in Kenya ravaged by recurrent drought, with most of the population living below the poverty line.

Climate change has made pastoralism an increasingly unsustainable livelihood option, leaving many households in Samburu without access to a daily meal, let alone a balanced diet.

“Animals have and will continue to die due to severe drought,” said Joshua Leparashau, a Samburu community leader. “The community still wants to hold on to the concept that having many livestock is a source of pride. This must change. If we as a community do not become proactive in curbing the menace, then we must be prepared for nature to destroy us without any mercy.”

As he looks after his fruit-producing sapling, Sipian tells IPS that some decades ago, before people he calls “greedy” started felling trees to satisfy the growing demand for indigenous forest products, his community used to feed on their readily available wild fruits during extreme hunger.

Now, through a concept new to them – dubbed food or garden forest, and brought to Kenya by Israeli environmentalist Aviram Rozin, founder of Sadhana Forest, an organisation dedicated to ecological revival and sustainable living work – the locals here are adopting planting of trees and shrubs that are favourable to the harsh local weather in their manyattas.

Community tree-planting in semi-arid Samburu County, Kenya. Robert Kibet/IPS

On a voluntary mission to help alleviate the degraded land and food insecurity in this part of northern Kenya, Rozin said that his vision would be to see at least each manyatta owning a food forest.

“The rate at which the community is embracing the concept is positive,” he said. “We hope that every manyatta will have a small food forest and that these will grow in concentric circles until they meet and touch each other and expand, creating a continuous food forest.”

However, the work of Sadhana Forest is not limited to forestation, as 35-year-old Resinoi Ewapere, who has eight children, explained.

“I used to leave early in the morning in search of water and return after noon. My children frequently missed school owing to the shortage of water and food.” But this daily routine came to an end after Sadhana Forest drilled a borehole from which water is now pumped using green energy – a combined windmill and solar energy system.

“Apart from the training we receive on planting fruit-producing trees and practising low-cost permaculture farming, we currently receive water from this centre at no cost,” Ewapere told IPS.

According to Rozin, Sadhana Forest’s initiative to help the Samburu community plant the 18 species of indigenous fruit trees which are drought-resistant and rich in nutrients is also part of a major conservation effort in that the combination of “small-scale food security and conservation of indigenous trees. will also create a linkage between people and trees and they will protect them.”

“We produce the seedlings and then supply them to the locals at no charge for them to plant in their manyattas,” said Rozin. Then, with careful management of the land and water-harvesting structures (swales or ditches dug on contours), water is fed directly into the plants.

The quality of the soil on the swales is improved by planting nitrogen-fixing plants such as beans, while the soil is watered and covered with mulch to prevent evaporation, thus remaining fertile.

One of the tree species being planted to create the food forests is Afzelia africana or African oak, the fruits of which are said to be rich in proteins and iron.  Its seed flour is used for baking. Another species is Moringa stenopetala, known locally as ‘mother’s helper’ because its fruit helps increase milk in lactating mothers and reduces malnutrition among infants.

“Residents here understand that their semi-nomadic life has to be slightly adjusted for survival,” noted George Obondo, coordinator of the NGO Coordination Board, who played a role in ensuring that Sadhana received 50,000 dollars from the U.N. Development Programme (UNDP) to jump start its Samburu project.

The money was used to set up a training centre with over 35 volunteers from various countries, including Haiti, to train locals and at the same time produce seedlings, and to build the green energy system for pumping water from the borehole it drilled.

“Things are changing,” said Obondo, “and Samburus know that their lifestyle needs to be altered and also tied to greater dependence on plant growing and not just livestock.” This is why the Sadhana Forest initiative is important, he added, because it is training people and giving them the knowledge and ability to create the resilience that they will need to avoid a harsh future.

Edited by Phil Harris

She is just 14, but Janida avoids eye contact with others, preferring to look down at the ground and nodding her head if someone tries to engage her in conversation.

Janida (not her real name) was once a sociable and playful child, but that was before she was sexually abused by her stepfather and giving birth to a baby who is now four months old.

Her days marked by trauma and depression, Janida is just one of many girl children in Kenya who have been abused and robbed of their childhood, leaving them emotionally scarred.

“The little girl [Janida] underwent both physical and mental torture,” Teresa Omondi, Deputy Executive Director and Head of Programmes at the Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Kenya, told IPS. ”Her best option was to terminate the pregnancy rather than suffer the mental and physical torture, but she could not afford the cost of a safe abortion.”Many of the induced abortions taking place continue to be unsafe and complications are common” – Teresa Omondi, Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Kenya

Under Article 26 (4) of the Kenyan constitution, “abortion is not permitted unless, in the opinion of a trained health professional, there is need for emergency treatment, or the life or health of the mother is in danger, or if permitted by any other written law.”

In September 2010, Kenya’s Ministry of Health released national guidelines on the medical management of rape or sexual violence – guidelines that allow for termination of pregnancy as an option in the case of conception, but require psychiatric evaluation and recommendation.

Then, in September 2012, the health ministry released standards and guidelines on the prevention and management of unsafe abortions to the extent allowed by Kenyan law, only to withdraw them three months later under unclear circumstances.

According to Omondi, “the law has not yet been fully put into operation and many providers have not been trained to provide safe abortion, meaning many of the induced abortions taking place continue to be unsafe and complications are common.”

The health ministry is responsible for doctors and nurses not being permitted to be trained on providing safe abortion, said Omondi, so “it is ridiculous that while Kenya’s Ministry of Health accepts that post-abortion care is a public health issue regarding numbers, practitioners have their hands tied.”

The issue of unsafe abortions in Kenya hit the headlines in September last year, when Jackson Namunya Tali, a 41-year-old nurse, was sentenced to death by the high court in Nairobi for murder, after the death of both Christine Atieno and her unborn baby in a botched illegal abortion.

Various inter-African meetings attended by Kenya have been held on reducing maternal mortality rates by providing safe abortions, with health ministers agreeing that statistics show that countries that do provide safe abortions have reduced their maternal mortality rates.

In a recent analysis, Saoyo Tabitha Griffith, Reproductive Health Rights Officer at FIDA and an advocate at the High Court of Kenya, said that despite Kenya having adopted a Constitution that affirms among others, women’s rights to reproductive health and access to safe abortion, Kenyan women continue to die from unsafe abortion – a preventable cause of maternal mortality.

For Dr Ong’ech John, a health specialist in Nairobi, perforated uteruses and intestines, heart and kidney failures, anaemia requiring blood transfusion as well as renal problems are just a few of the health complications arising from an abortion that goes wrong.

“Unsafe abortion complications are not just about removal of the products of conception that were not completely removed. One can evacuate but the perforated uterus has to be repaired, or you remove the uterus and it is rotten,” Dr Ong’ech told IPS.

“When the health ministry issued a directive in February this year instructing all health workers, whether from public, private or faith-based organisations, not to participate in any training on safe abortion practices and the use of the medication abortion, many questions were left unanswered,” said Omondi.

A highly respected Kenyan doctor, Dr John Nyamu, spent one year in prison in 2004 after his clinic was raided following the discovery of 15 foetuses on major roads together with planted documents from a hospital he had worked for but had since closed.

Speaking of his ordeal with Mary Fjerstand, a senior clinical advisor at Ipas, a global non-governmental organisation dedicated to ending preventable deaths and disabilities from unsafe abortion, Nyamu said that the publicity surrounding his imprisonment helped people to “realise the magnitude and consequences of unsafe abortion in Kenya; women were dying in great numbers. Before that, abortion was never spoken of in public.”

He went on to say that Kenya wants to achieve the Millennium Development Goal of a 75 percent reduction in maternal mortality, but that “it can’t be achieved if safe abortion is not available.”

A May 2014 World Health Organisation (WHO) updated fact sheet indicates that every day, approximately 800 women die worldwide from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth, with 99 percent of all maternal deaths occurring in developing countries.

Edited by Phil Harris   

Forest rangers putting out a fire at a charcoal burning kiln in Kenya’s Mau Forest. The future of the country’s indigenous forest cover is under threat but this has little to do with poverty and ignorance – experts say that it is greed which allows unsustainable practices, such as the lucrative production of charcoal and logging of wood. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAIROBI, Apr 25 2015 (IPS)

Armed with twigs and placards, enraged residents from a semi-pastoral community 360 km north of Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, protested this week against wanton destruction of indigenous forest – their alternative source of livelihood.

With climate change a new ordeal that has caused frequent droughts, leading to suffering and death in this part of Africa, the community from Lpartuk Ranch in Samburu County relies on livestock which is sometimes wiped out by severe drought leaving them with no other option other than the harvesting of wild products and honey.

“People here are ready to take up spears and machetes to guard the forest. They have been provoked by outsiders who are out to wipe out our indigenous forest to the last bit,” Mark Loloolki, Lpartuk Ranch chairman, who led the protesting community members told IPS.

They threatened to set alight any vehicle caught ferrying the timbers or logs suspected to be from their forests.Illegal harvesting of forest products is pervasive and often involves unsustainable forest practices which cause serious damage to forests, the people who depend on them and the economies of producer countries

Their protest came barely a week after counterparts from Seketet, a few kilometres away in Samburu Central, held a similar protest after over 12,000 red cedar posts were caught on transit to Maralal, Samburu’s main town.

Last year, students walked for four kilometres during International Ozone Day to protest against the wanton destruction of the same endangered forest tree species.

A report titled Green Carbon, Black Trade, released by the U.N. Environment Programme (UNEP) and Interpol in 2012,  which focuses on illegal logging and its impacts on the lives and livelihoods of often some of the poorest people in the world, underlines how criminals are combining old-fashioned methods such as bribes with high-tech methods such as computer hacking of government websites to obtain transportation and other permits.

Samburu County, in Kenya’s semi-arid northern region, hosts Lerroghi, a 92,000 hectare forest reserve that is home to different indigenous plants and animal species. Lerroghi, also called Kirisia locally, is among the largest forest ecosystem in dry northern Kenya and was initially filled with olive and red cedar trees.

It is alleged that unscrupulous merchants smuggle the endangered red cedar products to the coastal port of Mombasa for shipping to Saudi Arabia where they are sold at high prices.

“This is a business that involves a well-connected cartel of merchants operating in Nairobi and Mombasa,” said Loloolki.

In Kenya, the future of indigenous forest cover is under threat but has little to do with poverty and ignorance – experts say that it is greed which allows unsustainable practices, such as the lucrative production of charcoal and logging of wood.

“This forest is our main water catchment source and home to wild animals such as elephants,” Moses Lekolool, the area assistant chief, told IPS. “Elephants no longer have a place to mate and reproduce or even give birth, with most of them having migrated.”

According to Samburu County’s Kenya Forest Service (KFS) Ecosystem Controverter Eric Chemitei, “as a government parastatal, we [KFS] do not issue permits for transportation or movement of cedar posts. However, we do not know how they get to Nairobi, Mombasa and eventually to Saudi Arabia as alleged.”

At the same time, Chemitei told IPS that squatters currently residing inside the forest are mainly families affected by insecurity related to cattle rustling, adding that their presence was posing a threat to the main water towers of Lerroghi, Mathew Ranges, and Ndoto and Nyiro mountains.

He further noted that harvesting of cedar regardless of whether forest was privately or publicly owned was banned in 1999, and that over 30,000 hectares – one-third of the Lerroghi forest – has been destroyed.

Reports from INTERPOL and the World Bank in 2009 and from UNEP in 2011 indicate that the trade in illegally harvested timber is highly lucrative for criminal elements and has been estimated at 11 billion dollars – comparable with the production value of drugs which is estimated at around 13 billion dollars.

In a report on organised wildlife, gold and timber, released on Apr. 16, UNEP Executive Director Achim Steiner said: “There is no room for doubt: wildlife and forest crime is serious and calls for an equally serious response. In addition to the breach of the international rule of law and the impact on peace and security, environmental crime robs countries of revenues that could have been spent on sustainable development and the eradication of poverty.”

According to the KFS Strategic Plan (2009/2010-2013/2014), of the 3.4 million hectares (5.9 percent) of forest cover out of the Kenya’s total land area, 1.4 million are made up of indigenous closed canopy forests, mangroves and plantations, on both public and private lands.

The plan also indicated that Kenya’s annual domestic demand for wood is 37 million cubic metres while sustainable wood supply is only around 30 million cubic metres, thus creating a deficit of seven million cubic metres which, according to analysts, means that any projected increase in forest cover can only be realised after this huge internal demand is met.

Last year, Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for Environment Judi Wakhungu said that KFS’ revised policy framework for forest conservation and sustainable management lists features including community participation, community forest associations and benefit sharing.

The policy acknowledges that indigenous trees or forests are ecosystems that provide important economic, environmental, recreational, scientific, social, cultural and spiritual benefits.

Nevertheless, illegal harvesting of forest products is pervasive and often involves unsustainable forest practices which cause serious damage to forests, the people who depend on them and the economies of producer countries.

Forests have been subjected to land use changes such as conversion to farmland or urban settlements, thus reducing their ability to supply forest products and serve as water catchments, biodiversity conservation reservoirs and wildlife habitats.

Meanwhile, the effect of forest depletion on women has been noted by Veronica Nkepeni , Director of Kenya’s Centre for Advocacy and Gender Equality, who told IPS that the “most affected are women in the pastoralist areas, trekking long distances in search of water as a result of the effects of forest depletion leading to water scarcity.”

Edited by Phil Harris    

Mary Ondolo, 50, shows a package of honey made by the Ogiek women and packaged and refined by the Mariashoni Community Development, a community-based organisation. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAKURU COUNTY, Kenya, Sep 22 2014 (IPS)

Just two years ago, Mary Ondolo, a 50-year-old mother of nine from Kenya’s marginalised, hunter-gatherer community, the Ogiek, used to live in a grass thatched, mud house. She’d been living there for decades. 

But thanks to a donation of livestock and equipment she has now been able to send four of her children local universities and collages and has been able to build a timber home for her family.

“I and my husband, apart from our subsistence farming, used to earn extra income through casual labour,” Ondolo, who is from the small village of Mariashoni, in the Mau Forest, which lies near Nakuru in Kenya’s Rift Valley and is about 206 kilometres northwest of Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, told IPS.“I no more rely heavily on my husband for basic household needs. In fact, my husband has numerous times asked for my help financially." -- Agnes Misoi, member of the Ogiek hunter-gatherer community

For decades Ondolo and the women of her community had been denied opportunities, choices, access to information, education, and skills, which was compounded by the cultural perception that women are mere housewives.

According to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues report, historically, hunter-gatherer communities have been and still remain the most marginalised sections of society on the continent.

But two ago, a donation livestock and equipment made to Ondolo and a few other women in her community, changed their lives by giving them a steady financial income and, as a result, a role in decision making.

At the time, Ondolo had been trying to get the other Ogiek women to form groups in order to pool their resources and rear poultry together.

“It all started with merry-go-round after I visited one of my friends outside our locality. And having realised the many problems we women of the minority Ogiek community origin face, compounded by the deeply-rooted culture and gender disparity, I mobilised 30 women [in a savings cooperative].

“Members would put their monthly money contribution into a common pool,” Ondolo said, adding that members were entitled to borrow loans for as little as Ksh. 500 (five dollars).

Her idea, which attracted the attention of the Ogiek Peoples’ Development Programme (OPDP), a local NGO with close links to the community’s issues, soon led to the life-changing donation.

“Having learnt of our organised poultry rearing groups, OPDP in partnership with Kenya Community Development Foundation [KCDF] helped us start poultry and beekeeping enterprises,” Ondolo said.

So in 2012, in the small village of Mariashoni, a group of 80 women gathered at an open field surrounded by the indigenous Mau Forest to receive improved indigenous chicks, poultry-rearing equipment and feed.

OPDP had received about 22,000 dollars in funding from KCDF, which it used to purchase the livestock and equipment.

Honey-harvesting equipment and 40 beehives were also given to the Langam Women’s Group and Ogiek Women’s Empowerment Group. The women were also given skills training.

Ondolo said that, at first, the women who engaged in beekeeping had to overcome their own community’s cultural barriers against women earning an income. But now, she said, they all are major contributors to their families.

“My husband’s source of income comes from small subsistence farming. But thanks to the beekeeping project, I have been able to help my husband pay school fees for our children two are in university and two are in college currently, and the others are in primary and secondary school,” Ondolo said.

She is also now a lead member of the Langam Women’s Group.

“Without any sense of power whatsoever, their participation in decision-making is minimal, both at home and in the community,” Daniel Kobei, a member of the OPDP and the Ogiek community, told IPS.

Jane Rotich, a member of Ogiek Women Beekeeping Empowerment Group agreed. “Practical and cultural barriers limited the participation of us Ogiek women in decisions affecting our community, aspects of our public life, as well as in economic progress and development,” she told IPS.

In Nessuit location, about 10km from Mariashoni, Agnes Misoi, 30, was also a beneficiary of the poultry project. She currently owns over 60 chicken, having sold some to pay for the education of her two high school children.

She told IPS that prior to the introduction of the poultry project, she relied mostly on her husband — a subsistence farmer.

“I no more rely heavily on my husband for basic household needs. In fact, my husband has numerous times asked for my help financially of which I have been able to assist,” said Misoi, adding that she normally accumulates about 200 eggs in a month, which she sells for about 24 dollars.

And her husband, Samuel Misoi, has been grateful for her financial support.

“Nowadays, [my wife] is the one assisting me during financial difficulties. She helped me purchase timber for completion of our new house,” he told IPS, pointing at a three bed-roomed timber house under construction.

Fanis Inganga, a gender officer with OPDP, told IPS that the project brought great changes to the Ogiek women’s attitude, as they were now more confident to work and contribute to the economic and social betterment of their families and community.

To maximise profits and lock out brokers, the women only sell their honey to the Ogiek Beekeepers Association, which is affiliated to Mariashoni Community Development (MACODEV), a community-based organisation that refines and packages the honey into a final product.

MACODEV’s chairman Martin Kiptiony said that the women’s groups have ignited a great challenge to the men who used to consider themselves as only ones fit to engage in beekeeping.

However, poor road network bars the women’s groups from accessing readily-available markets. Instead they have to sell their packaged honey and poultry products at public gatherings in the locality. A 250ml tin of Ogiek Pure Honey sells for three dollars.

Edited by: Nalisha Adams

The writer can be contacted at kibetesq@gmail.com or on twitter @Kibet_88

A sand quarry Rhonda, Nakuru County, Kenya. Many of Kenya’s youth engaged in the industry, despite the deadly risks posed by collapsing mining walls due to poor sand harvesting methods. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
NAKURU COUNTY, Kenya, Aug 6 2014 (IPS)

Allan Karanja, 22, is a sand harvester. His job is a complex and arduous one that involves him working in deep pits, equipped only with a shovel, crowbar and no protective gear, as he mines sand. It’s also a deadly occupation.

In Rhonda area, situated south of Nakuru town and next to Lake Nakuru National Park, in Kenya’s Rift Valley Region, is an area characterised by sprawling ramshackle settlements. Here hundreds of youth engage in sand mining, with the Ndarugu River, which flows into Lake Nakuru National Park, being the main site of sand harvesting.

Karanja tells IPS he’s seen many of the workers around him die when weakened steep walls collapse in the midst of excavation.

“Hunger is what drives us into these sand mines. We earn peanuts here despite the risks we undergo. We excavate sand without safety helmets,” Karanja says.

In 2010, Nakuru town, situated 160 km north-west of Kenya’s capital city Nairobi, was voted by United Nations Human Settlements Programme or U.N.-Habitat as the fastest-growing town in East and Central Africa. The new title resulted in a rush of investors to the area and a subsequent boom in construction industry – the main consumers of sand.

Rhonda is the leading source of sand in the entire Rift Valley Region, owing to its availability along the river bank. Here, sand mining dates back to the early 1980s.

Jackson Kemboi is an owner of a two-hectare sand quarry where two sand harvesters died when a wall collapsed last month. A father and son died when a wall collapsed killing them on the spot, which prompted Kemboi to close temporarily.

He tells IPS that sand mining in Rhonda provides employment to close to 3,000 people.

“This quarry has been in existence since the early 1980s. We do not have the capacity to employ those excavating sand on a monthly salary basis since as the owner I have to share the amount earned per seven-tonne lorry with all involved. These young men come on daily basis, engage in scooping and loading of sand and get their wage at the end of the day,” Kemboi says.

Kemboi says he charges Ksh. 5,000 (58 dollars) per seven-tonne truck of sand, with 20 percent of that sum being shared among sand miners, loaders and truck drivers as wages.

Jack Omare, a father of two, tells IPS he has been working on Kemboi’s sand mine since 1992. He says he’s escaped death thrice. The worst incident, he says, was when weak sand walls collapsed, pushing him and the truck driver into the Ndarugu River. Luckily, they both survived.

During the same month three others died when a wall collapsed in Kirinyaga of Meru County, Eastern Kenya.

Omare says on a normal day he earns a minimum of Ksh. 300 (three dollars). It’s a meagre amount, just enough to provide a meal for him, his wife and children.

Sand, a Burgeoning Industry

But sand in Kenya is becoming a necessary component in fuelling the construction boom that is driving the rapid pace of urbanisation and rapid economic growth patterns in Kenya.

The Kenya Economic Report 2013 by the Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis predicted that the economy would grow by about 5.5 percent in 2013 and 6.3 percent in 2014, compared to 4.6 percent in 2012.

Anne Waiguru, a cabinet secretary in the Ministry of Devolution and Planning, tells IPS that Kenya’s urban population is growing at four percent per annum. It’s a situation, she says, that can be attributed to Kenya’s 2008 post-election violence as well as youth migrating from rural to urban areas in search of jobs.

But many of Kenya’s poor youth are turning to sand mining as a quick way of earning money, despite the deadly risks posed by collapsing mine walls due to poor sand harvesting methods.

And Karanja is among many youth facing exploitation in the industry.

According to Mary Muthoni, an official with local government child welfare, close to 3,000 youth, most of whom are under age, are involved in some of the worst forms of labour here, including sand mining.

An official with Kenya’s Child Welfare Society, a government agency, tells IPS that youth engaged in mining are exposed to toxic materials, which increase their chances of developing respiratory diseases.

Karanja says: “At 14, I would opt to miss classes at Kaptembwa primary school to go of loading sand into trucks to enable me purchase basic school items.” He quit school and did not even go to high school.

Environmental Degradation

In 2013, the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) ordered the closure of all sand mines in Nakuru as it emerged that mining was contributing to environmental degradation.

Sand mining in Nakuru, according to NEMA, has contributed to the siltation in River Ndarugu and also poses a threat to nearby public utilities and infrastructure such as roads and schools.

“The ban remains active. As an authority, we have no problem with effecting the law but we are considering lives of thousands of the youth who would remain jobless,” Wilfred Osumo, Nakuru’s NEMA director, tells IPS.

He says those who want to continue with the business, especially quarry owners, are required to apply for an environmental impact assessment license issued by NEMA at a cost of 0.1 percent of total project cost.

NEMA’s 2007 National Sand Harvesting Guideline stipulates that sand harvesting or scooping is restricted to river beds with no harvesting allowed on riverbanks to avoid widening of rivers.

“Sand harvesting in Rift Valley is done along the river beds, which is of poor quality as compared to earth sand mining in parts of Eastern Kenya namely Machakos, Kitui and Makueni,” Professor Jackson Kitetu, an environmental scientist specialising in sand harvesting research in Kabarak University, tells IPS.

His research study between 1993 and 1997 revealed that sand harvesting in Eastern Kenya provided jobs to 30,000 people.

And despite the risks associated with it, people will continue engaging in the industry.

Mike Mwangi, a licensed driver on the sand mines, tells IPS that it is his preferred source of income despite the challenges.

“I tried hawking fruits in the Nakuru town CBD but was frustrated by municipality officials. I had to quit and get back to this deadly job, sand harvesting,” he tells IPS.

Edited by: Nalisha Adams

The writer can be contacted at kibetesq@gmail.com or on twitter @Kibet_88