POLITICS-JAPAN: Powerful Bureaucrats Wince at Painful Reforms

By Suvendrini Kakuchi Reprint | | Print |

Suvendrini Kakuchi

TOKYO, Jan 24 2001 (IPS) - The restructuring of ‘Japan Inc.’ has finally hit the heart of the country — its respected, powerful but conservative bureaucrats who not too long ago were credited for making Japan’s postwar resurgence possible.

Prompted by public discontent against the lack of political leadership, perceived arrogant elitism and reports of corruption in the civil service, the government of Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori has made streamlining the formidable bureaucracy a priority this year.

The lack of public confidence in the workings of the government, both traditional politics and the mammoth bureaucracy, is clear.

Only 6 percent of Japanese trust their prime minister and only 9 percent say they have confidence in their Parliament, according to the results of a survey by the ‘Yomiuri Shimbun’ last week. Likewise, just 8 percent of 1,000 eligible voters polled said they trusted government ministries.

“Administrative reform is one of the most important issues for my Cabinet,” Mori pledged in his New Year speech at the beginning of January.

Tokyo’s ultimate goal is to whittle down 23 ministries and agencies and consolidate them into just 13 by 2002. This will mean reshuffling almost a million civil servants to reduce the number of redundant layers in the civil service.

The Prime Minister’s office says the number of bureaucrats will be down to 817,000 people by the end of March 2001, after the shedding of 23,701 jobs. The number of central government workers will be reduced by 135,000 in 10 years starting April.

These reforms are expected to cost a hefty 33.2 billion yen 290 million U.S. dollars), but politicians declare that every yen spent will be worth it.

“Japan can no longer afford a bloated bureaucracy and a prime minister who is basically a rubber stamp,” said State Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, a former prime minister in charge of designing the reform drive.

He has promised concrete reforms that include a bureaucrat salary system based on merit, and a change in the much-maligned system of retirement management that places top retired officials in new jobs in public corporations.

Major changes have already taken place.

Last week, Japan saw the merger of the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, the Home Affairs Ministry and the Management and Coordination Agency into one huge ministry called the Ministry of Public Management, Home Affairs and Posts and Telecommunications.

Likewise, the Women’s Bureau is merging with the Children and Families Bureau of the Health, Labour and Welfare Ministry. The new bureau will be called the Equal Employment, Children and Families Bureau.

These mergers are aimed at reducing the number of government posts, a change that critics laud but fear will only pave the way for a more active role for partisan politicians in matters normally done by the bureaucracy. In addition, the mergers will reduce salaries.

Still, experts are cautious about the chances for success of the current reforms, although Japan’s powerful bureaucracy has often been blamed for the country’s inability to adapt to changes and new international realities.

“Yes, the arrogance of Japan’s top-class bureaucrats need to curtailed,” said Yoko Kitazawa, activist and advisor to the Japanese government on overseas development.

But “it’s hard to say the reforms now in operation will make Japan a country that puts the interests of the people first,” she added.

Kitazawa, who works closely with bureaucrats on development aid, explains she is worried about conservative politicians taking over the vacuum created by the reduction of bureaucrats. “The reforms are aimed at allowing Japan’s powerful politicians to take over the reigns of the country,” she contended.

“Most of these politicians are only interested in serving national interests, which will only make it more difficult for us working get Japan to extend more aid to developing countries,” Kitazawa added.

A case in point, according to Kitazawa, is last month’s debate on Japan’s official development assistance budget for 2001. A conservative and influential politician from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) proposed a 30 percent reduction in the aid fund, which was shelved only after strong protests by activists like Kitazawa who was backed by Foreign Ministry officials.

Akira Matsubara, who heads a committee on the development of non-profit organisations, expresses similar reservations but from a different viewpoint. “The current situation is just not conducive to developing political leadership in Japan,” he explained.

He points to domestic political disarray and to the fact that most think tanks in the country are linked to large private corporations or the government — a situation that hampers politicians from taking independent decisions.

Matsubara cites his disappointment over the new legislation covering the registration of non-profit groups in Japan, saying it shows how difficult it is to build a reformed Japan.

He explains that “rivalry” between senior LDP politicians in discussions to develop laws to encourage more non-profit organisations weakened crucial political support for this venture.

The situation gave Finance Ministry bureaucrats a free hand on the matter, resulting in a framework that has now made it more difficult for small groups to gain non-profit status.

Yoshimichi Hironaka, political news editor of the ‘Yomuiri Shinbun’, Japan’s largest daily, echoes the gloomy outlook. In an editorial last week, Hironaka warned of an even more closed government in the future despite the much-vaunted bureaucratic reform.

He predicts more politicians working for their vested interests against a backdrop of eroding support by a sceptical electorate.

For instance, the LDP, itself plagued by voter disenchantment, will be concentrating on boosting support from rural voters, its traditional support base. But this, he argues, will not mean much when it comes to promoting an internationalised Japan.