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Baradan Kuppusamy
KUALA LUMPUR, Apr 4 2009 (IPS) - Malaysia’s controversial Najib Razak, who became the country’s sixth prime minister on Apr. 3, has launched a charm offensive to win the hearts and minds of a people disillusioned by numerous scandals and political skullduggery.
On the day he was sworn in as prime minister, Najib, 55, made a nationally televised and impassioned plea to the nation, saying his life had been dedicated to public service and he was up to the job.
“I remain committed to the goals of tackling poverty, of restructuring society and expanding equal access to quality education,” he told the country. “I will reach out to all Malaysians disaffected by political games, deceit and showmanship.”
He pledged to work tirelessly to serve all Malaysians. By saying this, he was alluding to the fact that minority Chinese and Indians, who together make 40 percent of the country’ 28 million, are disaffected and backing the opposition led by Anwar Ibrahim, a former senior ruling party politician until his 1998 sacking for alleged corruption and sodomy.
Najib sweetened his rise to power, like other prime ministers before him, by releasing 13 dissidents who had been incarcerated without trial under the draconian Internal Security Act, which provides for detention without trial for any number of years.
Among those freed are two ethnic Tamil lawyers who had organised a massive anti-government rally in November 2007 that in part sparked widespread ethnic Indian support for the opposition. Others, according to Home Ministry officials, are allegedly members of Darul Islam and Jemaiah Islamiah, two banned Islamic militant organisations.
Najib also lifted a temporary publishing ban imposed on two opposition party newsletters about a fortnight ago.
Nevertheless, police still raided the printing office of one of the publications and seized printed materials on the same day the announcement of the lifting of the ban was made, showing disconnect between the politicians’ rhetoric and police action.
In addition, Najib boosted his image as a leader for all races by visiting on Apr. 5 three areas in the capital that are noted for its exclusive racial population. In Kampung Kerinchi, he reached out to urban poor Malays who had also largely voted for the opposition in the 2008 general election. In two other suburbs, he met and interacted with Chinese and Tamil minorities.
The walkabouts received huge play in the mainstream media, which hailed the vents as proof of Najib’s dedication and closeness to the people.
Najib is following these early public relations initiatives with a leaner, meaner and credible new Cabinet of ministers on Apr. 8, his aides say. They said Najib is expected to make numerous policy initiatives in his first 100 days in office.
A key message that the new prime minister wants to send out is that unlike before, his government is united and speaks with a single voice. During the six unremarkable years of his predecessor Abdullah Badawi, who resigned after the ruling party lost its two-thirds majority in parliament last year, decisions and policies changed so frequently that the label “flip flop” Prime Minister gained wide currency.
During his first 100 days in office, Abdullah articulated beautifully crafted slogans that won the people over, but none of them stood the test of time.
Likewise, Najib started his first day in office summarising his main goals under three broad concepts — One Malaysia, People First and Performance Now. Unlike Abdullah, Najib is not expected to stop at just sloganeering. His supporters say he is meticulous planner and doer.
“He is about the most experienced leader today,” prominent political scientist Chandra Muzaffar told IPS. “He has a good mind that can crunch complex details into viable policy initiatives. He is a meticulous planner and a great listener. He is very experienced and understands the bureaucracy and how to make it work for the people.”
“I am confident he can translate slogans into real action,” Muzaffar said.
However, other critics are not convinced by the slogans and the walkabouts and prefer to wait for the action.
“He could have done better, done more and created a greater impact on his first day in office by releasing all ISA detainees,” Bar Council president Ragunath Kesavan told IPS. While welcoming the release of the 13 ISA detainees and the promise to do a “comprehensive review” of the ISA, Ragunath added that other prime ministers had also “reviewed” the ISA security law but those reviews were swept under the carpet. “Will Najib’s review be any different?” he said.
“The beautifully crafted slogans can be meaningful only if translated into action,” Ragunath said.
He said that to gain credibility, Najib should act fast to resolve key issues of race and religion in this mainly Muslim country. Abdullah had promised to resolve a controversy surrounding conversion and right to freedom of worship, but failed to do so and left many disillusioned.
Ragunath said two immediate steps Najib can take is to extend the Malays-first ‘bumiputra’ (sons of the earth) policy to all Malaysians who need socio-economic help. The other action, he said, is to take immediate steps to end race-based politics.
Human rights activists and opposition leaders are also unconvinced by the publicity blitz surrounding Najib’s early initiatives as prime minister.
“We don’t want a comprehensive review of the ISA. . . .We want it repealed immediately,” said Enalini Elumalai, anti-ISA campaign coordinator of the human rights organisation SUARAM.
“We want all ISA detainees released or charged in court,” she told IPS. “Previous prime ministers had released ISA detainees upon taking office, but later they had used the ISA to curb dissent and jail political opponents.”
“No democracy can tolerate a law like the ISA,” she said. “We can only take Najib seriously if he repeals the law.”
“It (ISA law) is a constant threat…like a dagger hanging over us,” said opposition lawmaker Tian Chua. He urged Najib to also repeal the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 and the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971, laws that curb freedom of publication and exert hard control over undergraduates.
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