Stories written by Vesna Peric Zimonjic
Vesna Peric Zimonjic is a freelance journalist working from the Balkan region with more than three decades of experience. She has contributed to IPS since the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in 1991. Vesna also conducts political analyses of the region and contributes to the London-based daily The Independent, BBC World Service and German Deutsche Welle radio and television.
The war of words gets harsher as the counting goes on in the Bosnian Serb parliamentary elections, as initial unofficial results give the hardliners from the town of Pale a narrow lead over the moderates from the city of Banjaluka.
Bosnian Serbs go to the polls on Saturday and Sunday, in a parliamentary vote called to resolve the power struggle between president Biljana Plavsic and hardliners loyal to wartime leader Radovan Karadzic.
There were only some 6,000 votes in it, but they made all the difference to the supporters of the newly elected president of Montenegro, Milo Djukanovic.
For the 450,000 registered voters able to vote in next Sunday's presidential election run-offs in Montenegro, their choice will be stark: further isolation alongside federation partner Yugoslavia, or the taking of a road of their own to reform.
It was five o'clock on an October morning in central Belgrade. A city water truck was preparing to start spraying the pavements at one the capital's key crossroads, near the federal parliament building and the central post office.
The vote was later invalidated on the grounds of insufficient turnout, but there was still a victor in last week's abortive Serbian presidential elections -- ultra- nationalist, neo-fascist ganglord Vojislav Seselj.
The two republics that are all that remain of the old Yugoslav Federation are still without new presidents as voter turnout in Serbia failed to meet obligatory targets and Montenegro's race was forced to a run-off.
It took four days for the Serbian Electoral Commission (RIK) to deliver a official result from last weekend's parliamentary and presidential elections. But it failed to silence the speculation about who will lead the key power in the Balkans.
That last weekend's Bosnian municipal elections took place at all was something for the West to celebrate; that they took place without violence or significant boycott as well was a matter for some serious self-congratulation.
Former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic continues to divide and confuse the West as it struggles with a 'stick and carrot' policy that's unclear on when to proffer the carrot and when to wield the stick.
Former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic continues to divide and confuse the West, struggling with a 'stick and carrot' policy that's unclear on when to proffer the carrot and when to wield the stick.
While other political parties in Serbia debate whether to participate in the country's presidential and parliamentary elections on Sep. 21, a fifth of the country's population has already decided in favour of a boycott.
As the endgame approaches in Bosnian Serbian president Biljana Plavsic's standoff with the indicted war criminals who run the other half of her territory, she now has one crucial weapon in her armoury, a supportive media.
When former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic became president of Federal Yugoslavia, in a ceremony that amounted to a coronation last month, new elections to fill his old post became an obvious necessity.
Before 1991 few Yugoslavs thought of The Hague as anything more than a distant place in Holland, most likely to come up as the answer to a crossword question or a bar bet.
Prominent Belgrade lawyer Nikola Barovic merely looks like he's been in a car crash -- last week he had to have his face, jaw and nose surgically reconstructed.
Almost thirty years ago a young woman stood in front of a photo shop in the Dalmatian town of Zadar looking at a picture of the then leader of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito.
Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic is scheduled to be inaugurated as president of what remains of Federal Yugoslavia on Jul. 23, taking up a largely ceremonial post as head of state over a lingering alliance between Serbia and Montenegro.
Throughout November 1996 to March this year, the energy and enthusiasm of Belgrade University students and their public resistance to the abuses of the Serbian government won worldwide attention.
During the now long-forgotten London Conference on ex-Yugoslavia in August 1992, Croatian president Franjo Tudjman and then Yugoslav prime minister Milan Panic sat down together to talk. The question was, though, in which language?
An influential handful of women who have staked out a place on Serbia's political mainstream since the latest Balkan chaos began in 1991 are very much the exception that proves the rule.