Saturday, November 14, 2026
Humberto Márquez
- The leader of the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV), Carlos Ortega, was sentenced Tuesday to 15 years and 11 months in prison for instigating rebellion and carrying false documents.
Ortega was head of the CTV when the trade union federation, along with the Fedecámaras business association and an association of oil company managers, led the two-month December 2002-January 2003 business shutdown that brought the country’s vital oil industry and part of the private sector to a halt, causing an estimated 10 billion dollars in losses.
The strike, which was aimed at toppling the government of leftist President Hugo Chávez, caused severe difficulties, mainly for the poor, who had a hard time finding transportation – several patients died when they were unable to make it to the hospital – cooking gas or even essential food items.
“I’m not a criminal, a coup plotter, or a terrorist. I have not betrayed the interests of my class, and I am at peace with myself. This is a politically motivated trial for a political problem, and I will continue working for democracy and to get rid of this regime,” Ortega told the local TV station Globovisión after hearing the sentence.
His lawyer, Carlos Roa, announced that he would appeal the verdict.
“This is a terrible decision, and this is a sad day for Venezuela. The regime is wreaking vengeance for the position taken by Carlos, but it will not be able to silence the CTV, the workers, or the people,” said Manuel Cova, the union’s number two leader.
Until the late 20th century, the CTV, which was founded in 1936, was Venezuela’s most powerful central trade union, and operated occasionally as the labour arm of the social democratic Democratic Action Party. It forms part of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the Interamerican Regional Workers Organization (ORIT).
It began to lose strength after Chávez took office in 1999, although an attempt by the president’s followers to take over the CTV leadership in internal elections was defeated by Ortega in 2001, and the government backed the creation of a new central trade union, the Unión de Trabajadores (Workers Union).
In early 2002, Ortega was behind the creation of an alliance with Fedecámaras, the managers of the state-run oil company PDVSA, and sectors of the Catholic Church, which began to organise massive street demonstrations against Chávez.
On Apr. 11, 2002, one of the marches ended in shooting in circumstances that have never been fully clarified, in which 19 people were killed, and military commanders ousted Chávez and replaced him with Fedecámaras chief Pedro Carmona, who had some discrepancies with Ortega.
The coup only lasted for two days before loyal army troops, with the support of huge pro-Chávez street demonstrations, reinstated the president.
In late 2002, Ortega, the new president of Fedecámaras Carlos Fernández, oil company managers and the rest of the political opposition began to demand a presidential recall referendum. When the Chávez administration refused to allow a referendum, the opposition declared a shutdown that paralysed a large part of the country.
The strike petered out after two months, the government regained control of the oil industry, and in March 2003, charges were filed against Ortega for inciting civil rebellion, among other crimes.
Ortega was granted asylum in Costa Rica, while the opposition movement turned its efforts towards demanding a recall referendum.
The referendum was finally held in August 2004 with the participation of Organisation of American States observers, and Chávez took nearly 60 percent of the vote.
Ortega decided to return to Venezuela, where he was spotted at an anti-Chávez demonstration during the time of the recall referendum. He had remained underground after that, until his February arrest in a Caracas casino.
The charges against Ortega initially included treason and conspiracy, but these were eventually dropped and in the end he was tried for civil rebellion, instigation to commit a crime and using false ID, which he was carrying at the time of his arrest.
His trial began in April, entered into the final phase on Nov. 17, and ended Tuesday with a sentence of just under 16 years in prison.
“It came as no surprise,” said Ortega. “I was mentally prepared for it, and I maintain my faith in the people who are trying to get rid of this regime. The people taught it a lesson on Dec. 4,” he added.
Dec. 4 was the date of the legislative elections in Venezuela, in which the ruling coalition won all 167 seats in the National Assembly, after the main opposition parties withdrew shortly before voting day. Voter turnout stood at less than 25 percent, lower than was predicted by the polls before the opposition pulled out.
The two men who headed up the 2002-2003 strike alongside Ortega – businessman Carlos Fernández and former PDVSA executive Juan Fernández – remain abroad as fugitives of justice.
According to the opposition, there are a number of political prisoners in Venezuela, including members of the military opposed to Chavez who were tried and sentenced for crimes against the armed forces or conspiracy. In addition, businessman Nelson Mezerhane, co-owner of the Globovisión TV network, has been indicted for masterminding the murder of a prosecutor who was investigating the short-lived April 2002 coup.
The Venezuelan authorities refute the use of this term. There is a difference between political prisoners and politicians in prison for having committed common crimes, say Interior Minister Jesse Chacón and Ombudsman Germán Mundaraín.