HUNGARY: Violence Echoes Deeper Conflicts

By Zoltán Dujisin Reprint | | Print |

Zoltán Dujisin

BUDAPEST, Mar 17 2007 (IPS) - Fears of a return to violence during the anniversary of the 1848 revolution proved partially right, and while much fewer opposition members acted violently, Hungarian society still has a long way to go.

National holidays, which in Hungary tend to commemorate past defeats, are divisive in a country where historical events are still diversely interpreted on both the right and the left.

Violent protesters ravaged Budapest last autumn when celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the 1956 Soviet intervention coincided with socialist Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány’s admission he had lied on the state of the economy to secure his re-election.

Since then both the right and the extreme-right have vociferously demanded Gyurcsány’s resignation, calling into question his democratic legitimacy.

The Mar. 15 anniversary of the 1848 revolution against the 19th century Habsburg rule of the Austrian monarchy was seen as another opportunity for voicing patriotic opposition to the socialists.

The government held different commemorations around the capital under heavy protection, with many protesters managing to boo left-wing officials delivering their speeches.

The main right-wing party Fidesz held its rally in Budapest’s centre, and in spite of its claim to represent the centre-right, the visible presence of right-wing extremists amid the crowd reinforced what many view as old and dangerous flirtation with xenophobic nationalism.

Fidesz had asked participants not to wave flags of previous, authoritarian regimes but the appeal went largely ignored as many brandished the red and white colours of the first Hungarian royal dynasty, that of the Árpáds.

The flag is highly controversial as the symbol was re-appropriated by the Nazi-sponsored party that governed Hungary between October 1944 and January 1945.

In front of hundreds of Hungarian and Árpád flags, Fidesz leader Viktor Orbán accused the socialists of “ignoring centuries-old non-written rules,” in one example of his recurrent nationalist rhetoric.

“This lack of distinction is a result of Fidesz’s political strategy. Even though the party made great efforts to take distance and look peaceful, Orbán’s speech once again addressed the far-right voters,” Attila Gyulai, an analyst at the Political Capital policy research group in Budapest told IPS.

This time even the extreme-right organisations had vowed not to return to violence. “They also want to separate themselves from the riots,” Gyulai said.

But the arrest of György Budaházy, one of the symbols of the extreme right and an active participant in autumn’s riots who had been in hiding ever since, sparked disturbances later in the afternoon.

In what the police considered an illegal demonstration, rioters put up small barricades, set garbage cans on fire, and occasionally threw objects at the police, who responded mostly with tear gas and blue ink while demanding the crowd’s orderly dispersal.

“There is no democracy in Hungary, what we are doing is just,” a rioter with no visible political affiliation told IPS.

The crowd of close to 1,000 people was mostly dominated by apparent hooligans who sympathise with Hungarian nationalism.

“What’s worrying is that the young generation is out there, they feel feudalism has returned to Hungary,” a journalist covering the riots for Magyar Nemzet, the biggest right- wing paper, told IPS.

The Hungarian right, which in economic terms favours a left-wing approach, perceives society as being deeply unjust and unequal, and argues the socialist-liberal elite got a hold of the country’s wealth following the collapse of state socialism in 1989.

Many of the violent demonstrators come from disadvantaged households who do not believe they have benefited from either socialism or capitalism. Confronting authorities is a last resort for the angered youths.

This time around the police, who had been heavily criticised for unprofessional conduct on earlier occasions, were praised by both government officials and opposition politicians as professional and contained.

It was a rare case of unanimity in a ruthlessly confrontational polity, and while violence will probably wane, political tensions are likely to persist.

The country is currently undergoing a set of profound austerity measures which will affect sensitive sectors such as education and health care. Polls indicate a popularity loss for governing parties over these.

The socialists claim the reforms will eventually benefit everyone. The right not only disagrees but argues average Hungarians will pay for the socialist government’s reckless budgetary policy in the past.

Fidesz has been increasingly loud in expressing its preference for demonstrations and a referendum on some of the austerity measures to force the cabinet’s resignation and obtain what many in the right refer to as a “regime change”.

The right argues that in case of a negative result for the government, the referendum will serve as a clear popular signal for a democratic government to resign. The left fears such views could encourage right-wing supporters to take radical action against the government in the future.