SLOVAKIA: Playing the Anti-Hungarian Card

By Zoltán Dujisin Reprint | | Print |

Zoltán Dujisin

PRAGUE, Oct 15 2007 (IPS) - Following months of strained ties with Hungary, Slovakia’s government looks increasingly isolated after parliament approved a resolution hostile to the country’s Hungarian minority.

Slovakia is ruled since June 2006 by a three-party coalition led by the social democrat party Smer (Direction), the People’s Party of former prime minister Vladimir Meciar (LS-HZDS) and the extreme-right Slovak National Party (SNS).

The resolution came at a time when the Party of European Socialists (PES) was examining whether or not to lift Smer’s membership suspension from its grouping. The party of Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico was suspended last year for going into a coalition with extreme right forces, and the suspension remains in place.

Parliament approved a resolution Sep. 20 reaffirming the untouchable nature of the post-World War II Benes decrees, issued by former Czechoslovak president Edvard Benes.

Under the decrees people of Hungarian and German nationality were stripped of their citizenship, deported, and taken to forced labour camps in post-World War II Czechoslovakia.

Unlike Germans, most Hungarians were allowed to stay in Czechoslovakia, and eventually regained citizenship.

All parties represented in parliament – with the exception of the Hungarian Coalition Party (SMK) representing the country’s 500,000 strong ethnic Hungarian minority – supported a resolution that Slovak President Ivan Gasparovic termed as “a response to the steps taken by Hungary.”

The SMK called the resolution a reaffirmation of the principle of collective guilt.

The extreme right SNS, author of the resolution, claimed it had been made necessary after Hungarian organisations had called for revision of the decrees, and demanded compensation.

SMK leader Pál Csáky had previously proposed the opening of a debate on the Benes decrees and elimination of its negative consequences. The SMK leader was aiming at both an official apology and “at least some symbolic financial compensation.”

With the support of only a handful of deputies from the opposition Christian Democratic Movement, the SMK was working on an initiative for a mutual apology between the neighbouring nations by means of declarations adopted in the countries’ respective parliaments.

Much of present-day Slovakia has been historically part of Hungary, a fact that still causes resentment and suspicion among average Slovaks. Many consider it outrageous that Hungarians are now attempting to appear as victims.

Former prime minister Vladimir Meciar asked, “Shall we now say sorry to fascists? Under the pretext that they were of certain nationality?” He called on the minority to start a “denazification” process.

Culture Minister and Smer deputy chairman Marek Madaric claimed that the 50,000 Hungarians who were deported following World War II had not been selected on the grounds of their nationality, and that only “traitors and collaborators” were forced to leave Czechoslovakia.

Budapest reacted with surprise, with Hungarian President Laszlo Solyom calling the action “a slap” at a time when Hungary was engaged in reconciliation attempts with Bratislava.

Shortly after, Solyom visited the Slovak city of Komarno, an important urban centre for the Hungarian community, where he met with representatives of the SMK and criticised the political atmosphere in the northern neighbour.

Solyom had informed Slovak President Ivan Gasparovic of his plans but did not meet him, claiming his visit was of a private nature and resulting from an invitation of the local Hungarian community.

Slovakia’s foreign ministry accused the Hungarian president of abusing his visits, while the Slovak president accused him of “political interference.” Solyom was criticised for making political statements during an allegedly private visit.

Fico accused Hungarian political parties of damaging Slovak-Hungarian ties through their competition in proving to voters who better represents Hungarians in Slovakia.

Experts doubt the tensions between the two countries will wane any time soon. “The politicians of the Slovak governing coalition frequently make declarations that are playing on anti-Hungarian sentiments,” Péter Krekó, senior analyst at the Budapest-based Political Capital institute told IPS.

Yet also in Hungary “there is a competition among the political players on who can protect more effectively the Hungarians from Slovakian nationalism.”

The Slovak parliamentary act was condemned by Hungarian and German members of the European Parliament, which led to a renewed onslaught in Slovakia against the SMK for lobbying European institutions and tarnishing Slovakia’s image abroad.

On Oct. 1 the Party of European Socialists increased pressure on Fico when chairman Poul Rasmussen said the Slovak government needed more time to push out extremism from its government, thus prolonging Smer’s suspension.

Fico’s reply was harsh. He accused Rasmussen of being influenced by Hungarian politicians, and not listening to Smer’s arguments.

Rasmussen made the statement shortly after meeting with Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány.

“This is a serious accusation against a member of the government of a member state of the European Union, without any evidence,” Smer spokeswoman Katarina Klizanova-Rysova declared shortly after Rasmussen’s announcement.

But Krekó thinks Brussels is reluctant to judge the conflict and will rather play an informal mediating role. “The two countries have to handle the situation on their own,” he told IPS.

On Oct. 13 Fico sent an invitation to the Hungarian prime minister to make an official visit to Bratislava, but Budapest is yet to reply. Fico also declared he was confident his party would be readmitted in the PES by November.