CORRUPTION-BRAZIL: Proposed Reforms Will Not Provide a Real Cure

By Mario Osava Reprint | | Print |

Mario Osava

RIO DE JANEIRO, Jun 21 2005 (IPS) - By speeding up the adoption of political reforms, the Brazilian government and Congress are hoping to prevent the democratic system from being further damaged by the current corruption scandal, but the initiative could foster added frustration, say some observers.

The changes to the regulations guiding elections and political parties are aimed at making the executive and legislative branches more "representative," and not at fighting corruption, stressed Fabiano Santos, a professor at the University Research Institute of Rio de Janeiro, a leading centre of political studies.

Implementing reforms now, under the pressure created by the corruption scandal involving the government and four co-governing parties, would be a "hasty move" destined to build up false expectations that will probably not be met, because of confusion over the objectives, Santos commented to IPS.

In the meantime, a group of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) is protesting a ministerial reform that will reportedly bring an end to the ministerial-level special secretariats responsible for developing policies on women, the promotion of racial equality and human rights.

The Brazilian Association of NGOs (ABONG) and four other civil society networks expressed "indignation" over this potential "step backwards" in the struggle against inequality and social injustice.

This measure cannot be justified by the pursuit of austerity or the fight against corruption, because these secretariats work with extremely low budgets, Taciana Gouveia, ABONG director of institutional development, told IPS.

Gouveia, also a member of the women’s group SOS Corpo, believes that widespread political reform is needed to overcome current distortions. But she fears that any changes made now will merely be geared to resolving the immediate crisis, ignoring the need to expand and improve mechanisms for social participation in decision making.

In the latest of a recent string of corruption scandals, the leader of the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB) accused the ruling leftist Workers Party (PT) of paying monthly bribes of 12,000 dollars each to lawmakers from allied parties, in exchange for support for government-sponsored bills.

The PTB itself is implicated in other, previous scandals.

Numerous proposals for reform have been before Congress for years, and these gave rise to a bill that the Chamber of Deputies has attempted to vote on unsuccessfully since last year.

However, the current national furore over the corruption scandal will likely lead to its adoption, according to PT lawmaker Rubens Otoni.

Moreover, the forces most staunchly opposed to the reforms, namely the PTB, the Liberal Party (PL) and the Progressive Party (PP), have found themselves weakened by various allegations of corruption, backed by testimony.

The bill would establish public financing for election campaigns, the creation of party slates of candidates, a ban keeping candidates from switching parties, an end to party alliances in proportional elections (for deputies and city councillors), and restrictions on the formation of new parties.

These are the measures most frequently called for by the proponents of reform, who maintain that Brazil’s current electoral system fosters distortions that hinder governability and breed corruption, by raising electoral costs and creating what they refer to as a "rent-a-party" system.

Public financing is a means of ensuring that certain candidates and parties do not enjoy an unfair advantage by having access to higher amounts of private contributions.

Nevertheless, this is "a complex issue that demands further discussion," stated Santos, adding that the bill in question would be an "authoritarian" ban on the right of individuals to support those who best represent their values and interests.

In addition, this measure would not effectively serve to end corruption, since financial support will continue to flow through clandestine channels, he added.

The party slate system, already adopted in a number of Latin American countries, is meant to strengthen political parties. In Brazil, people vote for individual candidates who operate as if they were independent agents, with little or no loyalty to their parties, noted Santos.

Since the October 2002 elections, more than 200 lawmakers have switched party allegiances. The PL has attracted the highest number of "defectors": while it only managed to elect 26 deputies, it now holds 49 seats in Congress. The PTB, for its part, has grown from 26 to 48 seats.

The biggest losers in this game of "musical parties" have been the traditionally strongest political forces. The Liberal Front caucus shrunk from 84 elected lawmakers to 62, while the formerly governing Brazilian Social Democratic Party slipped from 70 seats in Congress to 52.

Critics of the proposed reforms claim that this inter-party migration is the product of corruption, and allege that the government and the PT have encouraged deputies to join forces with allied parties.

While the PT itself has gained no new members in Congress, and maintains the 91 seats that it won in the elections, it has been accused of bribing PL and PP legislators to guarantee their continued support.

Santos agrees it is necessary to adopt mechanisms to ensure the party loyalty of members of Congress and to define criteria for the forging of coalitions in proportional elections.

But he cast doubt on the effectiveness of the other measures included in the bill, and the wisdom of tackling these issues at the present time, instead of sticking to the cautious, moderate approach taken so far in the debate.

For her part, Gouveia acknowledged the need for changes to prevent Congress from being overrun by "interest groups" that do not represent society as a whole, and to ensure that elected officials are held accountable to those who elect them. Overall, she concluded, what is most essential is "greater visibility and transparency" in elections.