MOLDOVA: Communist Success Looks For a Future

By Zoltán Dujisin Reprint | | Print |

Zoltán Dujisin

CHISINAU, Moldova, Jul 25 2005 (IPS) - Moldova, the poorest country in Europe sandwiched between Ukraine and Romania is hardly the most recommendable destination in Eastern Europe today.

Formerly part of Romania, Moldova became a part of the Soviet Union at the end of World War II.. It was given independence in 1991, but Russian forces have remained on Moldovan territory east of the Dniester River to support Ukrainians and Russians who have proclaimed a ‘Transnistria’ republic.

That land fringe has long proclaimed de facto independence, and stalled Moldova’s efforts to join the European mainstream.

A recent resolution by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation, a regional group that includes mostly European countries but also the Central Asian Republics, Canada and the United States has further destablised this country of 4.5 million.

The resolution passed at a meeting where the Moldovan position was barely heard, hinted at international recognition of Transnistria through monitored elections.

The resolution follows a line similar to Ukraine’s conflict resolution plan, which also disappointed Moldovans who expected Kiev to proof its new democratic credentials by standing up against anti-Moldovan interests in its own government.

"It is a mistake to look at Transnistria as an entity," says Arcadie Barbarosie, director of the Institute of Public Policy in Moldovan capital Chisinau. "It is run by a criminal elite, involved in criminal businesses and controlled by an authoritarian regime." Since the short-lived 1992 civil war erupted in Moldova the stalemate has remained in place, and Russian troops, officially on peacekeeping operations, have refused to abandon the area.

Instead Russia is widely believed to have aided the new state in setting up a government and significant infrastructure, and provided military capabilities and training. Bearing no international recognition, Transnistria boasts all the institutions and symbols of a state, including a parliament and a state-controlled media.

Tiraspol won support for its cause under the pretext of protecting the Slavic minority, which at the time of newly-independent Moldova felt threatened by the new nationalistic stances. Tensions rose over linguistic issues and the possibility of voluntary annexation by Romania, the closest ethnic kin.

Yet Transnistria is hardly a homogeneous territory, with Romanian, Russian and Ukrainian being spoken in various degrees. The fidelity of many of its inhabitants to the ghost state has more to do with socio-economic well-being than with ethnic concerns.

Security officers there wear Soviet-era outfits, and car plates bear the Transnistrian flag. Transnistria is a mixture of post-Soviet authoritarian elites, with a nostalgic population following Soviet social guidelines. Thanks to an active industry, the region enjoys higher living standards than Moldova proper.

"The industries in the region work under tax-paradise conditions," argues Helmut Kurth, Moldova representative with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. The majority of lucrative Soviet-era industries were established in the currently separatist region, and many post-Soviet elites have profited from the almost non-existent legal conditions in the territory.

"Elites not only in Transnistria, but also in Moldova, Russia and Ukraine are profiting from the status quo," says Kurth.

On the other hand Moldova remains a largely agricultural country, immersed in traditions long forgotten by modern Europe. The "great village", as some of its dwellers call it, saw widespread unemployment and poverty in the 1990s push one-fifth of its population to emigrate, with countless Moldovans ending up in inhumane and exploitative criminal networks.

Moldova is therefore in a visibly weak position – poorer than its irredentist region, lacking often-pledged Western support, antagonised by all-powerful Russia, while also paying the price for mistakes of the past.

Nevertheless, Moldova has witnessed significant change. Chisinau is an active city were wealth is gradually becoming visible.

The Russian language has acquired an almost identical status to that of Romanian, with television, radio and the press using both languages. The economic situation has improved after the demise of the liberals and the success of the communists in 2001.

The least internationally criticised, and unsurprisingly least known communist government in the world managed to halt financial indiscipline, pay overdue salaries and bring back Soviet-era slogans to a population that, just as in the Transnistrian enclave, longs for the wealthier Soviet past.

Many western fears have been proven unfounded, as there has been little interference with the market, significant economic growth, and achievements in the human rights field. What had been assessed as a protest vote for the communists in 2001 was legitimised with their re-election in 2005.

For the pragmatic and ‘western-oriented’ communists, the Transnistrian conflict is no longer an issue, as government, opposition and civil society agree that its resolution is not in Chisinau’s hands, but in those of the West and Russia.

Instead, there is consensus on joining the European Union as the main goal. Boasting higher living standards might be the only way to make Moldova more attractive to Transnistrians and convince the world that Moldova is not a joke.