Overshadowed by the electoral controversy in Florida, President Bill Clinton launches a historic trip to Vietnam Friday, capping a 12-year rapprochement with the only country to defeat the United States in a military conflict since the British burned down the Capitol here in 1812.
In Asia's changed security environment, Japan is searching for its right role: It wants to become a stronger, more independent regional power, but at times seems to prefer avoiding tough international issues.
Tuesday's general election - considered the closest in more than a generation - will not only determine who sits in the White House over the next four years.
To the tiny degree foreign policy has played any role in this year's presidential campaign, Vice President Al Gore and Texas Governor George W. Bush have generally agreed far more than they have disagreed on specific foreign-policy issues.
Three years after tribal rebels in south- eastern Bangladesh laid down arms to mark the end of one of South Asia's bloodiest and oldest insurgencies, peace remains brittle in the hilly region.
With only a week left before the Nov. 7 elections, Green Party candidate Ralph Nader is causing major headaches for the campaign of Vice President Al Gore, as well as for left-leaning voters torn between Gore and an anti-corporate reformer with no hope of winning.
A simmering debate about where North Korea's flurry of diplomatic initiatives will ultimately lead to is reflected both in differences between East Asian and European governments last week, and in varied expectations of the U.S. secretary of state's current visit to Pyongyang.
There's one aspect of North Korea that virtually everyone in the world agrees on: it is a good manipulator. And its intentions are anyone's guess.
There's one aspect of North Korea that virtually everyone in the world agrees on: it is a good manipulator. And its intentions are anyone's guess.
By ordering a massive government assault against the Muslim extremist group, Abu Sayyaf, in the southern Philippines, President Joseph Estrada is sending a strong signal that he is out to crush the kidnap-for-ransom group.
By ordering a massive government assault against the Muslim extremist group, Abu Sayyaf, in the southern Philippines, President Joseph Estrada is sending a strong signal that he is out to crush the kidnap-for-ransom group.
Still unable to 'pull up' an errant neighbour for alleged rights abuse and crushing political freedom, South-east Asian governments are finding it hard to agree on how to tackle Rangoon.
OPEC's decision to boost output by 800,000 barr els a day has been generally welcomed but it is not likely to stop the dispute between producers and major consumer nations as to whether production cut s or high taxes were mainly responsible for recent high oil prices.
The four-month-old hostage crisis in the Philippines' restive south appears headed for an end, but it has already created one of the biggest security headaches for the country's embattled government.
Their life is one of constant fear.
Russia is cautious in seeking to re-assert its role as a mediator in the Middle East process.
The navy has long been a symbol Russia's might, while the elite nuclear-powered submarines, carrying ballistic missiles, were a main pillar of the country's nuclear force.
The stage appears to have been set for a first-time dialogue between the Indian government and Kashmiri separatist militant groups, but it is unlikely to be substantive.
For all the Association of South-east Asian Nations' (ASEAN) reputed slowness and timidity, the region's main diplomatic group can bask in some of the successes that its low-key ways have produced.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak might have most of the people of his country supporting his current bid for peace with the Palestinians, but he lacks the backing of parliament. "I draw the strength to meet the challenge that lies before me from the people," Barak said before departing for the United States last week for definite talks with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and US President Bill Clinton. Barak's statement came after he endured an embarrassing 54-52 Knesset vote by hard-liners against his handling of peace negotiations. Barak's woes at home are also on the minds of his negotiating partners, Palestinian Authority Chairman Arafat, and Clinton, who must take into account his need to sell any agreement to the Israeli public. Barak has sought to bypass the Knesset in recent weeks by reminding the public that 56 percent of voters selected him as prime minister last year in a near landslide victory over right-wing opponent Benjamin Netanyahu. This, he believes, gives him a mandate to pursue the peace talks. But like it or not, Barak will have to go back to the Knesset to gain its approval for the holding of a referendum he has promised if an agreement is reached. The only way to avoid doing so would be to call new elections, which Knesset members say is a distinct possibility. Politicians and analysts attribute Barak's troubles to relegating his most talented Labour Party colleagues to secondary positions, mistakenly putting his faith in the ultra-orthodox Shas party which bolted his coalition last week, and to the aversion by a large part of the public to peace process concessions.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak might hav e most of the people of his country supporting his current bid for peace with t he Palestinians, but he lacks the backing of parliament. "I draw the strength to meet the challenge that lies before me from the people," Barak said before departing for the United States last week for definite talks with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and US President Bill Clinton. Barak's statement came after he endured an embarrassing 54 -52 Knesset vote by hard-liners against his handling of peace negotiations. Barak's woes at home are also on the minds of his negotiating partner s, Palestinian Authority Chairman Arafat, and Clinton, who must take int o account his need to sell any agreement to the Israeli public. Barak has sought to bypass the Knesset in recent weeks by reminding t he public that 56 percent of voters selected him as prime minister last year in a near landslide victory over right-wing opponent Benjamin Netanyahu. This, he believes, gives him a mandate to pursue the peace talks. But like it or not, Barak will have to go back to the Knesset to gain its approval for the holding of a referendum he has promised if an agreem ent is reached. The only way to avoid doing so would be to call new election s, which Knesset members say is a distinct possibility. Politicians and analysts attribute Barak's troubles to relegating his most talented Labour Party colleagues to secondary positions, mistakenly p utting his faith in the ultra-orthodox Shas party which bolted his coalition las t week, and to the aversion by a large part of the public to peace process concessions.