Africa, Headlines, Human Rights, Press Freedom

Q&A: "I Fear That Chad Will One Day Lose Its Sovereignty"

Interview with Maurice Hel Bongo* - IPS/InfoSud

GENEVA, Feb 20 2008 (IPS) - In the wake of a failed rebel attack three weeks ago, the Chadian capital of N&#39Djamena is feeling the effects of a clampdown on opposition leaders, activists and reporters – this as authorities scour the city for any remaining rebels.

Calls are being made for the release of Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh, head of the Party for Liberty and Development; Ngarlejy Yorongar of Federation Action for the Republic; and former president Lol Mahamat Choua – now leader of the Rally for Democracy and Progress. Concerns have also been expressed about Wadel Abdel Kader Kamougue of the Union for Renewal and Democracy, whose whereabouts are unknown, rights watchdog Amnesty International said Wednesday.

The strike on N&#39Djamena was launched Jan. 31 by an alliance of three rebel groups hoping to topple President Idriss Déby. After several days of fighting, government troops assisted by France were able to repel the rebels, but not before some 160 civilians were killed and tens of thousands made into refugees. Chad accuses neighbouring Sudan of backing the rebels – while Khartoum claims that Déby&#39s government is aiding insurgents in the western Sudanese region of Darfur.

Another opposition leader, Maurice Hel Bongo, told correspondent Isolda Agazzi** that current events threatened Chad&#39s survival as a nation. Hel Bongo lives in Switzerland, but maintains close links with the country of his birth and knows some of the rebels involved in the recent attack.

Isolda Agazzi (IA): Who are the rebels that attacked N&#39Djamena and what do they want?

Maurice Hel Bongo (MB): Mahamat Nouri, Timane Erdimi and a certain Abdelwahid (Aboud) whom I don&#39t know personally. Mahamat Nouri was a minister for former president Hissène Habré and for Idriss Déby, and he is very well-known in the country…He is a Goran – the same ethnic group as Hissène Habré – and he is also the brother-in-law of Idriss Déby. As for Erdimi, he is the nephew of Déby. For a long time, he was his chief of staff and directed his policies for years.

With this past, I doubt that they can suddenly become democrats. What they want above all is power and money. And since Chad has become an oil producer, there is lots of money. Déby is not at all worried about promoting a policy of development; he only wants to fill his pockets and those of his clan…

IA: Is a democratic transition possible in Chad?

MB: It is possible, but not with Déby! During the national conference*** in 1993, which lasted three months, we did excellent work; but as we pushed for democracy Déby tried to put an end to it, as he clearly saw what was obvious: that all Chadians – from the south and the north – were excited by our discussions. Even the nomads on their camels were glued to their radios! We spoke of "three months of democratic celebration"…

In spite of this, I still hope that we will be able to implement our recommendations sooner or later, even if all the main opposition leaders – who have always refused to take power forcibly – have been detained.

IA: What role does Sudan play?

MB: As in Sudan, the north of Chad is Muslim and the south Christian and animist. Since the independence of Chad, our northern brothers have twisted political problems, presenting them as ethnic and religious divisions. I have always said that this was a false problem, but northern officers went to Sudan and other Arab countries to say that the problems of Chad are religious in nature. Sudan has a strong influence on Chad, and it&#39s even worse today with the racist government in power in Khartoum.

IA: Does the conflict in Darfur risk spreading throughout the region?

MB: As soon as Khartoum made peace with rebels in the south, it hurriedly turned towards Darfur – where the residents are also Muslims, but black. Idriss Déby helped stir up the conflict in Darfur.

He&#39s of the Zagawa ethnic group that lives along the border between Chad and Sudan, and in Darfur. This ethnic group has always been neglected by Khartoum. Before taking power in N&#39Djamena, Déby promised to help the Zagawa of Darfur if he became president; and persistent rumours, that I can&#39t verify, even say he promised them that he would build a Zagawa kingdom in Darfur. It&#39s he who raised up these people up against Khartoum.

IA: Are you saying that everything would be going well between Khartoum and the Sudanese Zagawa were it not for Déby?

MB: No, not at all, don&#39t put words in my mouth. One thing is certain: that this region of Darfur has always been neglected by Khartoum, before Idriss Déby come to power. This supposes that sooner or later there would have been problems, even without Déby.

IA: What role does – or should – France play?

MB: France&#39s role has always been very negative. I&#39m speaking of the government and not of the French people. Even the parliament does not really know what goes on. At Elysée**** there&#39s a unit that manages African affairs in a very opaque way. France does not want democratic governments in Africa, it prefers corrupt leaders.

IA: Even now?

MB: Of course; if not, why would the French government support Déby?…It completely supports Deby, widely-known to be a despot.

IA: How do you see the future of your country?

MB: The problem has not been solved. The rebels are still there, and it&#39s not impossible that they&#39ll return. And, I fear chaos taking hold in Chad. The south is completely marginalised, it&#39s still in the grip of utter misery that is in the process of spreading to the north as well. And, all Chadians could be the losers.

In the end the country could be shared between its powerful neighbours: Cameroon, Nigeria, Libya and Sudan. I fear that if this continues Chad will one day lose its sovereignty.

** Isolda Agazzi is a journalist at InfoSud, a news agency based in Geneva. This interview is published under an agreement between InfoSud and IPS.

*** The Sovereign National Conference, held after Habre was ousted from power, established a transitional government headed by Déby.

**** The Elysée Palace, in Paris, is the official residence of the French president.